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Shelf No. 
Register No.... J 




From a photograph taken in Concord, N. H., in 1892 










The following history was first published in serial form 
in McClure's Magazine, 1907-1908. It has since been revised 

and new material has been added. 

G. M. 


I. Mrs. Eddy's American Ancestors Mark Baker, and 
Life on the Bow Farm Schooldays in Til- 
ton Early Influences Her First Marriage 3 

II. Mrs. Glover as a Widow in Tilton Her Interest 
in Mesmerism and Clairvoyance The Disposal 
of Her Son Marriage to Daniel Patterson 26 

III. Mrs. Patterson First Hears of Dr. Quimby 

Her Arrival in Portland Quimby and His 
"Science" 42 

IV. Mrs. Patterson Becomes Quimby's Patient and 

Pupil Her Defence of Quimby and His The 
ory Her Grief at His Death She Asks Mr. 
Dresser to Take up Quimby's Work . . 56 

V. The Quimby Controversy Mrs. Eddy's Claim that 
Christian Science Was a Divine Revelation to 
Her The Story of Her Fall on the Ice in 
Lynn and Her Miraculous Recovery . . 71 

VI. The Quimby Controversy Continued Mrs. Eddy's 
Attempts to Discredit Quimby Her Charge 
that He Was Always a Mesmerist Quimby's 

Adherents Defend Him 88 





VII. Dr. and Mrs. Patterson in Lynn Their Sep 
aration Mrs. Patterson as a Professional Vis 
itor She Teaches Hiram Crafts the Quimby 
" Science " Mrs. Patterson in Amesbury . 105 

VIII. Two Years with the Wentworths in Stoughton 
Mrs. Patterson Instructs Mrs. Wentworth 
from the Quimby Manuscripts and Prepares 
Her First Book for the Press . . . 

IX. Mrs. Glover Goes into Partnership with Richard 
Kennedy Their Establishment in Lynn 
Mrs. Glover's First Disciples Disagreements 
and Lawsuits ....... 134 

X. Mrs. Glover's Influence over Her Students 
Quimby Discredited Daniel Harrison Spof- 
ford Mrs. Glover's Marriage to Asa Gilbert 
Eddy ........ 155 

XI. The First Appearance of Science and Health 
Christian Science as a System of Metaphysics 
As a Religion As a Curative Agent . . 176 

XII. Mrs. Eddy's Belief that She Suffered for the 

Sins of Others Letters to Students The 
Origin and Development of Malicious Animal 
Magnetism A Revival of Witchcraft . . 211 

XIII. The " Conspiracy to Murder " Case Arrest of 

Eddy and Arens on a Sensational Charge 
Hearing in Court Discharge of the De 
fendants ..... 245 



XIV. Mrs. Eddy Addresses Boston Audiences She is 
Tortured by Her Fear of Mesmerism Or 
ganisation of " The Church of Christ, Scien 
tist " Withdrawal of Eight Leading Mem 
bers Mrs. Eddy's Retreat from Lynn 

XV. The Massachusetts Metaphysical College Organ 
ised Death of Asa Gilbert Eddy Mrs. 
Eddy's Belief that He Was Mentally As 
sassinated Entrance of Calvin A. Frye . 281 

XVI. Mrs. Eddy's Boston Household A Daily War 
fare Against Mesmerism The P. M. Soci 
ety An Action Against Arens for In 
fringement of Copyright .... 298 

XVII. Literary Activities Mrs. Eddy as an Editor 
The Rev. Mr. Wiggin Becomes Her Liter 
ary Assistant His Private Estimate of 
Mrs. Eddy and Christian Science . . 312 

XVIII. The Material Prosperity of Church and College 
Mrs. Eddy Goes to Live in Commonwealth 
Avenue Discontent of the Students A 
Rival School of Mental Healing The 
Schism of 1888 .... 340 

XIX. Mrs. Eddy Rallies Her Forces Growth of 
Christian Science in the West The Mak 
ing of a Healer The Apotheosis of Mrs. 



XX. The Adoption of a Son Mrs. Eddy's House 
hold and the New Favourite A Crisis in 
Christian Science Mrs. Eddy is Driven 
from Boston by " M.A.M." .... 379 

XXI. The New Policy Mrs. Eddy Resigns from 
Pulpit and Journal and Closes Her College 
Disorganisation of the Church and Asso 
ciation Reconstruction on a New Basis 
Mrs. Eddy in Absolute Control and Posses 
sion 391 

XXII. Life at Pleasant View Mrs. Eddy Produces 
More Christian Science Literature Fos 
ter Eddy Is Made Publisher of the Text- 
Book The Story of His Fall from Favour 
Rule of Service . . . . . 411 

XXIII. Josephine Curtis Woodbury and the Romantic 
School Birth of the Prince of Peace Mrs. 
Eddy Withdraws Her Support " War in 
Heaven" 428 

XXIV. Mrs. Eddy Adopts the Title of Mother " 
Beginning of the Concord Pilgrimages 
Mrs. Eddy Hints at Her Political Influence 
The Building of the Mother Church Ex 
tension ........ 441 

XXV. George Washington Glover Mrs. Eddy's Son 
Brings an Action Against Leading Christian 
Scientists Withdrawal of the Suit Mrs. 
Eddy Moves from Concord, N, H., to New 
ton, Mass 453 



XXVI. Training the Vine How Mrs. Eddy Has Organ 
ised Her Church Her Management and 
Discipline The Church Manual Recent 
Modifications in Christian Science Practice 
Membership of the Church Practical 
Results of Mrs. Eddy's Life-Work . . 460 

Appendix A 486 

Appendix B ......... 489 

Appendix C . . . . ... ..... 494 


Mary Baker G. Eddy. From a photograph taken in 

Concord, N. H., in 1892 .... Frontispiece 


Mark Baker, Mrs. Eddy's father 10 

Daniel Patterson, Mrs. Eddy's second husband . . 34 
The house in North Groton, N. H., where Mrs. Eddy, 

then Mrs. Daniel Patterson, lived for seven years . 38 

Phineas Parkhurst Quimby 48 

Mary Baker G. Eddy. From a tintype given to Mrs. 

Sarah G. Crosby in 1864 62 

Facsimile of the second sheet of the first " spirit " letter 
from Albert Baker, Mrs. Eddy's brother, to Mrs. 

Sarah Crosby 66 

Mary Baker G. Eddy. From a photograph taken in 

Amesbury, Mass., in 1870 114 

Mary Baker G. Eddy. Helping an Amesbury photogra 
pher to get a successful picture of a baby . .114 
Title page and part of the first page of the manuscript 
from which Mrs. Glover taught Mrs. Wentworth 
the system of mental healing which she ascribed to 

P. P. Quimby 128 

Richard Kennedy. From a photograph taken in Lynn, 

Mass., in 1871 152 

Asa Gilbert Eddy, Mrs. Eddy's third husband . . .168 

Daniel H. Spofford 252 

Edward J. Arens 252 




Mary Baker G. Eddy. From a tintype given to Lucy 

Wentworth in Stoughton, Mass., in 1870 . . 270 
Mary Baker G. Eddy. From a photograph taken in 

Boston in the early eighties 270 

Calvin A. Frye. From a photograph taken about 1882 294 
Mary Baker G. Eddy. Taken about the year 1886, 

while at the head of her college in Boston . . 308 
Mary Baker G. Eddy. As she looked in 1870 when she 

first taught Christian Science in Lynn, Mass. . 308 
The Reverend James Henry Wiggin, who was for four 

years Mrs. Eddy's literary adviser . . . 328 
Christian Scientists' Picnic at Point of Pines, July 16, 

1885 348 

Ebenezer J. Foster Eddy, the adopted son of Mrs. Eddy 384 
George Washington Glover, Mrs. Eddy's only child . . 384 
Pleasant View, Mrs. Eddy's home in Concord, N. H. . 414 
The First Church of Christ, Scientist, in Boston. The 

Mother Church 450 






MARY A. MORSE BAKER, 1 the future leader of the 
Christian Science Church, was the sixth and youngest 
child of Mark and Abigail Baker. She was born July 16, 1821, 
at the Baker homestead in the township of Bow, near the present 
city of Concord in New Hampshire. As a family the Bakers were 
of the rugged farmer type of the period to which they belonged. 
From the days of John Baker, their earliest American ancestor, 
who came from East Anglia and obtained a freehold in Charles- 
town, Mass., in 1634, throughout five generations 2 to Mark 
Baker, they had worked the unwilling soil of their New England 
farms, and brought up large families to labour after them. 
One of their number had engaged in the pre-Revolutionary 
wars, and in 1758 received a captain's commission from 
Governor Benning Wentworth of New Hampshire. This was 

1 Mrs. Eddy was named iu part for her grandmother, Mary Ann Moore (or 
O'Moor) Baker. She wrote her name as above, using only the initial of her 
second name. 

2 The five generations were (1) John, (2) Thomas, (3) Thomas, (4) Joseph, 
(5) Joseph, who was the father of Mark Baker and the grandfather of Mrs. 



Joseph Baker, the grandfather of Mark who married Hannah, 
the daughter of Captain John Lovewell, hero of " LovelPs 
Fight," and through her came into possession of the homestead 
in Bow. According to family tradition this farm, which was 
given to Hannah Lovewell by her father, was originally a part 
of " Lovell's Grant," a tract deeded to Captain Lovewell by 
the government for " gallant military service." 

As far back as the memory of any of the present generation 
of Bakers goes, however, the farm was first occupied by Joseph 
Baker 2d, and his wife, whose name is recorded by the Baker 
family both as Mary Ann O'Moor and Marion Moore. 3 Of 
their large family of children, Mark, born May 2, 1785, was 
the youngest, 4 and at the death of his father in 1816, he, with 
an elder brother, James, inherited the farm. Mark's share 
of the estate, included the farmhouse and barns, with the obliga 
tion to support his mother. The farm was hill land, rising 
from the valley of the Merrimac River, and not especially 
fertile, but as his fathers before him had done, he managed, 
by toiling early and late, to wring from it a living for himself 
and his large family. In May, 1807, he had married the 
daughter of Nathaniel and Phebe Ambrose, neighbours across 
the Merrimac, in Pembroke, and brought her home to his 
father's house. Like the Bakers, the Ambrose family were 
severe Congregationalists, and farmers of the familiar New 
England type. Deacon Ambrose and his wife were staunch 

Mrs. Eddy and at least one other descendant gives the name as Marlon 
Moore, but from statistics copied from the family Bible of this Joseph Baker, 
and now in possession of his great grand-daughter, it is recorded that Joseph 
Baker was born November 9, 1741. and died in February, 1816. It gives the 
ame of his wife as Mary Ann O'MoT, who was born December 11, 1743 
and died January 26, 1835, and names ten children born to them See 
Appendix A. 

4 JL ne T Joseph S? ker recor <i names ten children, as follows : John, James, 
David, Jesse, William, Hannah, Joseph, Mary Ann, Philip, and Mark. 


supporters of their church, and they had brought up their 
daughter, Abigail, to be both pious and thrifty. As the wife 
of Mark Baker she is remembered for her patience and industry. 
She devoted all her energies to the care of her family, and was 
faithful in attendance at church. And this simple record, like 
that of many another heroic New England housewife, is all 
that is known of Mrs. Eddy's mother. 

The dominating influence in the Baker home was Mark, and 
he made his presence felt in the community as well. His char 
acter was naturally strong, and as narrow as his experience 
and opportunity had been. Born ten years after the American 
Revolution, he grew up in the atmosphere of sharply-defined 
opinions and declared principles, peculiar to the times. The 
country was still comparatively undeveloped and scantily popu 
lated, and without the broadening influences made possible by 
later inventions. His house, in the middle of an isolated farm, 
was remote from its neighbours ; the nearest town was Concord, 
then a place of two or three thousand inhabitants, and where, 
except on market days and church days, he almost never went. 
The hard daily labour of the farm, and the equally hard work 
which he made of his politics and religion, comprised all his 
interests. To conquer the resisting land, to drive a good bar 
gain, to order his conduct within the letter of his church law, 
to hate his enemies and to hold in contempt all who disagreed 
with him these were the rules by which he shaped his life. 
High-tempered, dominating, and narrow, he was not content 
merely to adhere to his own principles, letting other men live 
as they would, but sought to impress his convictions upon his 
neighbours. There are instances of life-long quarrels between 


Mark Baker and those who differed from him in business, poli 
tics, and religion. A quarrel over a question of business with 
his brother James resulted in a complete separation of the 
two families (although they lived as neighbours for years) 
from 1816 almost to the present time. 5 A charge which he 
brought against a church brother was arbitrated for several 
years before church committees ; and his local political quarrels 
during abolition days were frequent and bitter. He lived on 
the Bow farm from 1785 to 1836, and in Sanbornton Bridge 
(now Tilton) from 1836 until his death in 1865, and to those 
who knew him in these two communities he is still a vivid memory. 
In appearance he was tall and lean, his muscles hardened by 
labour. His iron jaw and tense gray eye bespoke determina 
tion and resistance. The very tap of his stick, as he tramped 
along the country roads, conveyed a challenge. His voice 
was terrific in power and volume. The Baker voice is a tradi 
tion in New Hampshire, and stories are told in Bow of the 
Baker brothers at work in distant fields upon their farms, 
thundering like gods to each other across the hills. 

Mark's neighbours called him " Squire " Baker, and the 
younger folk called him " Uncle." They found him sharp at 
a bargain, but honest in his dealings, and while he paid his 
workers the smallest wages, he always sacredly kept his word, 
and in his narrow way he was a good citizen. He tried his 
friends by his fierce temper and his intense prejudices, which 
kept him, in one way and another, in a continual ferment. " A 

'Only a few years ago Mrs. Eddy renewed this family connection by 
sending for Representative Henry Moore Baker of Concord, a grandson of 
Tames Baker, to call upon her at Pleasant View, her home in the same city. 
Mr. Baker was, until October, 1909, one of the three trustees appointed by 
Mrs. Eddy in 1907 to take charge of her property interests. 


tiger for temper, and always in a row." " You could no more 
move him than you can move old Kearsarge " (a local moun 
tain). "An ugly disposition, but faithful to his church, and 
immovable in his politics." These are the comments of his 
old neighbours in Tilton to-day. 

Inevitably, he carried his religion and politics to extremes. 
In the Congregational church he was an active figure, faithful 
and punctilious in performing all its requirements. Not only 
did he fulfil his own church obligations, but he saw that his 
brethren and sisters fulfilled theirs. He brought charges of 
backsliding against fellow-members when they failed to attend 
public worship or communion, and was willingly appointed to 
visit and " labour " with the delinquents. It seems probable 
that Mark enjoyed this duty and performed it thoroughly. 
He had his own church troubles, too. The yellowed books of 
the Tilton Congregational Church record many a disputation 
between him and the brethren. A quarrel between Mark Baker 
and William Hayes was aired before the congregation year 
after year, but the two were never reconciled. The church 
did not follow Mark's wishes in the settlement of the differences, 
and after bringing up the old charges again and again, and 
receiving no satisfaction, he applied for a letter of dismissal, 
because he " could not walk in covenant with this church." 
When his request was refused, he placed himself on record as 
" feeling aggrieved at the doings of the church on this subject." 

A story which has passed into neighbourhood tradition illu 
minates the man and shows the strength and quality of his 
religious feeling. One Sunday in his later years he mistook 
the day and worked as usual about his place. On Monday 


morning he started for church, but was disturbed at seeing 
his neighbours at work. As usual he took them to task. " Sis 
ter Lang," he said, frowning at a neighbour who was placing 
out her tubs for washing, " what is the meaning of this on the 
Lord's Day? " The woman replied that as the day was Monday 
she was preparing to do the family washing, but Mark com 
manded her to prepare for church instead, and went on his way. 
Farther along he stopped again. " Brother Davis," he cried, 
" what is this commotion in the streets ? Why are not the 
church bells ringing for public worship ? " He was again 
assured that it was Monday; but he was not convinced until 
he arrived at the church and found the doors closed. He 
hurried to Elder Curtice, who confirmed his fears. " Is it 
possible that I have broken the Lord's Day? " exclaimed Uncle 
Baker in alarm, and he knelt with his pastor and prayed for 
forgiveness. Back to his home went the old man, the godly 
part of him purged. But the old Adam remained, and as he 
strode up the hill he trembled with excitement. A tame crow, 
a pet of the children of the neighbourhood, hopped on a bush 
in front of him, cawing loudly. In his perturbed condition, 
the sight of the bird made Mark angrier than ever, and raising 
his stick, he struck the crow dead. " Take that," he said in 
a passion, " for hoppin' about on the Sabbath," and he stormed 
on up the hill. At home he kept the day strictly as Sunday to 
atone for his worldliness of the previous day. 

In politics he was no less intense. He was a pro-slavery 
advocate before the war, and an unbending Copperhead during 
it. He hated Abraham Lincoln above all men. Two luckless 
young women, selling pictures of Lincoln, once entered his 


house to induce him to buy, but saved themselves from ejection 
only by a hasty flight. " I'll never forget what he said about 
Lincoln," said one of his old neighbours now living. " When 
the news of Lincoln's assassination reached Sanbornton Bridge, 
I stopped at Mark Baker's to tell him of it. ' What ! ' he cried, 
and throwing down his hoe, he shouted at the top of his voice, 
'I'm glad on't!'" 

When his politics and religion clashed as they did during the 
Civil War, the old man was sorely torn. His pastor, Elder Cor- 
ban Curtice, was a Republican who believed in the righteousness 
of the war, and Mark, with others of a different political faith, 
attempted to have the minister removed for " political preach 
ing." Failing in this, some of the oldest members left the 
church. But Mark Baker remained. He went to church as 
regularly as ever, and abided by all its rulings as before, but 
his protest was expressed in a manner altogether characteristic. 
He sat doggedly through the sermon, his eyes fixed on the 
elder. The moment the word " rebellion " left the preacher's 
lips whether he referred to the rebellion of the States or 
the rebellion of the angels Mark Baker sprang to his feet, 
and, with flashing eyes and clenched fists, strode indignantly 
out of the church. 

These incidents show the calibre of the man who was Mrs. 
Eddy's father. There is no doubt that he possessed qualities 
out of the ordinary. With his natural force and strong con 
victions, and with his rectitude of character, he might have 
been more than a local figure, but for the insurmountable 
obstacles of a childishly passionate temper and a deep per 
versity of mind. He was without imagination and without 


sympathy. From fighting for a principle he invariably passed 
to fighting for his own way, and he was unable to see that the 
one cause was not as righteous as the other. His portrait- 
a daguerreotype shows hardness and endurance and immova 
bility. There is no humility in the heavy lip and square-set 
mouth, no aspiration in the shrewd eyes; the high forehead 
is merely forbidding. 5 3 

All Mark Baker's children were born in the little farmhouse 
in Bow, between 1808 and 1821. There were three sons- 
Samuel, Albert, and George Sullivan and three daughters- 
Abigail, Martha, and Mary. 6 The family also included Mark 
Baker's mother. According to pioneer custom the early Bakers 
had built their house on top of the hill upon which their farm 
lay, fully half a mile from the public road, which at that point 
follows the course of the Merrimac River in the valley. However 
inconvenient and impractical this choice of a site may have been, 
it left nothing to be desired in the view. Across the green 
valley of woods and fields, through which flows the white-banked 
river, one can see from the Baker hill-top the long blue ranges 
of the White Mountains. Nearer at hand there are glimpses 
of clean white villages, and at the left is the city of Concord. 
The nearest house is out of sight at the foot of the hill. In 
Mark Baker's day it was occupied by his brother James, with 
whom Mark was not in friendly relation. 

The house itself is of wood, unpainted, and extremely small 

51 - 2 In his last years he was afflicted with a palsy of the head and hands, and 
suffered from facial cancer although it did not cause his death. Of his family, 
nearly all have died of cancer in some form. His two eldest daughters and 
their three children, and two of his sons, Samuel and George, all died of the 
dread disease. 

Samuel Dow, born July 8, 1808 ; Albert, born February 5, 1810 ; George 
Sullivan, born August 7, 1812; Abigail Barnard, born January 15, 1816; 
Martha Smith, born January 19, 1819; Mary A. Morse, born July 16, 1821. 

Frcm a tintype. Courtesy of Mrs. H. S. Philbrook 

Mrs. Eddy'3 father 


and plain. A narrow door in the centre opens directly upon 
the stairway. On the left hand is a little parlour, lighted by 
two small-paned windows, and containing a corner fireplace. A 
larger room at the right, used as a granary by the present 
owner, was once the kitchen and living-room. Overhead there 
were three or four small sleeping-rooms. One wonders where 
the family of nine bestowed themselves when they were all in 
the house at once. The house has not been occupied for many 
years. The windows are boarded up, and it is desolate and 
forsaken. Yet it is not forgotten, for every summer Christian 
Scientists come to visit the spot where their leader was born. 
It is a shrine to the devout, who carry away stones and handf uls 
of soil and little shrubs, as souvenirs. 

The Baker children were brought up like other farmers' fami 
lies of that time and place. The older ones worked about the 
farm and in the house, and in the winter when farm work was 
" slack " they attended the district school. Lonely and unstimu- 
lating enough the life seems from this distance, but as a matter 
of fact it was useful and not uninteresting. It was before the 
days of steam railroads and the thousand modern aids to living, 
when every farmer's family was an industrial community in 
itself. All the supplies of the household, as well as food and 
clothes, were produced at home. Each man and woman and girl 
and boy of the farms was a craftsman, their daily work re 
quiring physical strength and mental ingenuity and a kind of 
moral heroism. The school supplied their intellectual interests, 
the church satisfied their religious emotions, and for social 
diversion there were corn-huskings and barn-raisings and quilt- 
ing-bees. The rest was hard labour. 


The qualities of Mark Baker were transmitted to his children. 
They were all high-tempered and headstrong and self-assertive, 
and they did not lack confidence in themselves in any particular. 
At home, however, they were trained to obedience and up to 
the time at least of the birth of his youngest daughter, Mark 
Baker was master in his own house. But from the beginning 
it was evident that special concessions must be made to Mary. 
She was named for her grandmother, who made a pet of her 
from the first, and no doubt helped to spoil her as a baby. 
Mrs. Baker, the mother, often told her friends that Mary, 
of all her children, was the most difficult to care for, and they 
were all at their wits' ends to know how to keep her quiet and 
amused. As Mary grew older she was sent to district school 
with her sisters, but only for a few days at a time, for she was 
subject from infancy to convulsive attacks of a hysterical nature. 
Because of this affliction she was at last allowed to omit school 
altogether and to throw off all restraint at home. The family 
rules were relaxed where she was concerned, and the chief prob 
lem in the Baker house was how to pacify Mary and avoid her 
nervous " fits." Even Mark Baker, heretofore invincible, was 
obliged to give way before the dominance of his infant daughter. 
His time-honoured observance of the Sabbath, which was a fixed 
institution at the Baker farm, was abandoned because Mary 
could not, after a long morning in church, sit still all day in 
the house with folded hands, listening to th? reading of the 
Bible. Sundays became a day of torture not only to the hys 
terical child, but to all the family, for she invariably had one 
of her bad attacks, and the day ended in excitement and anxiety. 
These evidences of an abnormal condition of the nerves are im- 


portant to any study of Mrs. Eddy and her career. As child 
and woman she suffered from this condition, and its existence 
explains some phases of her nature and certain of her acts, 
which otherwise might be difficult to understand and impossible 
to estimate. 

Until Mary's fifteenth year the routine of life at the farm 
was unbroken except for the departure from home of her two 
eldest brothers to start life for themselves, and the death of 
her grandmother Baker. In choosing their occupations, Mark 
Baker's sons turned away from the farm, new opportunities 
having been opened by the expanding industrial and commercial 
life of the country. Samuel, the eldest, went to Boston, in 
company with a neighbour's son, George Washington Glover, 
to learn the trade of a stone mason, as the quarries of New 
Hampshire had then been recently opened. Albert, the second 
son, had a higher ambition. He prepared himself for college 
and entered Dartmouth. He was graduated in 1834, and 
immediately went to Hillsborough Center, N. H., to study law 
in the office of Franklin Pierce, afterward President of the 
United States. Under the influence of Pierce young Baker 
entered politics. He served one term as Assemblyman in the 
State Legislature, and received the nomination for Representa 
tive in Congress; but he died in 1841 before the election. He 
was then only thirty-one years old, and his character and 
ability seemed to justify the high opinion of his friends, who 
regarded him as a coming man. 

The death of the elder Mrs. Baker occurred in January, 1835, 
and early the following year Mark Baker sold the homestead 
and moved his family to a farm near the village of Sanbornton 


Bridge (now called Tilton), eighteen miles north of Concord. 
Sanbornton Bridge was, in 1836, growing into a lively manu 
facturing village. It already contained public-spirited citizens, 
and had considerable social life. Altogether it afforded larger 
opportunities than the Bow farm ; and here the interests of the 
Baker family now centred. Abigail, the eldest daughter, soon 
married Alexander Hamilton Tilton, 7 the rich man of the 
village, and settled there. Her husband owndd the woollen 
mill, and accumulated a considerable fortune from the manu 
facture of the " Tilton tweed," which he put on the market. 
Mrs. Tilton was extremely handsome and dignified, and her 
strong character, in which the Baker traits were tempered 
by a kindliness of spirit and a keen sense of responsibility, 
made her a leading figure in that little community. She was 
also capable and adaptable. When her husband died she took 
charge of his business, and was even more successful in its 
management than he had been. George Sullivan Baker formed 
a partnership with his brother-in-law. Martha, the second 
daughter, married Luther C. Pillsbury, deputy warden of the 
New Hampshire penitentiary in Concord, but after the death 
of her husband she returned to live in Sanbornton Bridge. 
Here, too, Mark Baker and his wife lived out their days, and 
here Mary Baker passed her girlhood, married, returned as a 
widow, married again, and once more returned as a deserted wife. 
As soon as they were settled on the new farm, Mary was 
sent to the district school at the Bridge. The schoolhouse 
stood on the site of the present Tilton Seminary. It was a 

7 At the request of Charles Tilton, who gave the village a town hall, San 
bornton Bridge was renamed Tilton in 1869. Charles Tilton was a nephew of 
Alexander Hamilton Tilton. 


two-story wooden building, painted red. The district school 
occupied the lower floor, while the upper room was used for 
a small private school, where the higher English branches were 
taught. After a time these upper classes came to be known 
as the " academy," and it was here that Dyer H. Sanborn, the 
author of Sanborn's Grammar, taught for five years at a later 
date. Mary was then nearing her fifteenth birthday, and as 
she had received almost no instruction at Bow, the family hoped 
that another attempt at school might be more successful. 

It is one proof of Mary's remarkable personality that her old 
associates remember her, even as a child, so clearly. The Baker 
family was not one to be readily forgotten in any community, 
and Mary had all the Baker characteristics, besides a few im 
pressive ones on her own account. The writer has talked with 
scores of Mary Baker's contemporaries in the New Hampshire 
villages where she lived, and in their descriptions of her, their 
recollections of her conduct, and their estimates of her character, 
there is a remarkable consistency. Allowance must always be 
made, in dealing with the early life of a famous person, for 
the dishonour of a prophet in his own country. Such allow 
ance has been made here, and nothing is set down which is not 
supported by the testimony of many witnesses among her 
neighbours and relatives and associates. 

When Mary attended the district school in Tilton, she is 
remembered as a pretty and graceful girl, delicately formed, 
and with extremely small hands and feet. Her face was too 
long and her forehead too high to answer the requirements of 
perfect beauty, but her complexion was clear and of a delicate 
colour, and her waving brown hair was abundant and always 


becomingly arranged. Her eyes were large and gray, and 
when overcharged with expression, as was often the case, they 
deepened in colour until they seemed to be black. She was 
always daintily dressed, and even at fifteen succeeded in keeping 
closer to the fashions than was common in the community or 
in her own home. But in spite of these advantages Mary was 
not altogether attractive. Her manners and speech were marred 
by a peculiar affectation. Her unusual nervous organisation 
may have accounted for her self-consciousness and her sus 
ceptibility to the presence of others, but whatever the cause, 
Mary always seemed to be " showing off " for the benefit of those 
about her, and her extremely languishing manners were un 
kindly commented upon even at a time when languishing man 
ners were fashionable. In speaking she used many words, the 
longer and more unusual the better, and her pronunciation and 
application of them were original. 

Sarah Jane Bodwell, a daughter of the Congregational min 
ister at Sanbornton Square, " kept " the school then, and find 
ing Mary very backward in her studies in spite of her age 
and precociousness, she placed her in a class with small children. 
Mary seemed indifferent about getting into a more advanced 
class and did not apply herself. Her old schoolmates say that 
she was indolent and spent her time lolling in her seat or 
scribbling on her slate, and apparently was incapable of con 
centrated or continuous thought. 

" I remember Mary Baker very well," said one of her class 
mates now living in Tilton. " She began to come to district 
school in the early summer of 1836. I recollect her very dis 
tinctly because she sat just in front of me, and because she 


was such a big girl to be in our class. I was only nine, but 
I helped her with her arithmetic when she needed help. We 
studied Smith's Grammar and ciphered by ourselves in Adams's 
New Arithmetic, and when she left school in three or four weeks 
we had both reached long division. She left on account of 

" I remember what a pretty girl she was, and how nicely 
she wore her hair. She usually let it hang in ringlets, but one 
day she appeared at school with her hair ' done up ' like a 
young lady. She told us that style of doing it was called a 
' French Twist,' a new fashion which we had never seen before. 
In spite of her backwardness at books she assumed a very 
superior air, and by her sentimental posturing she managed 
to attract the attention of the whole school. She loved to 
impress us with fine stories about herself and her family. The 
schoolgirls did not like her, and they made fun of her as school 
girls will. I knew her for a long time afterward, as we grew 
up in the same village, but I can't say that Mary changed much 
with her years." 

Mrs. Eddy's own story of her early education should also 
be considered. In her autobiography, Retrospection and In 
trospection, she says that she was kept out of school much of 
the time because her father " was taught to believe " that her 
brain was too large for her body; that her brother Albert 
taught her Greek, Latin, and Hebrew ; and her favourite child 
hood studies were Natural Philosophy, Logic, and Moral Sci 
ence. From childhood, too, Mrs. Eddy recalls, she was a 
verse-maker, and " at ten years of age I was as familiar with 
Lindley Murray's Grammar as with the Westminster Catechism ; 


and the latter I had to repeat every Sunday." Mrs. Eddy 
has also said that she " graduated from Dyer H. Sanborn's 
Academy at Tilton." But at present she makes no pretension 
to such scholarly attainments. " After my discovery of Chris 
tian Science," she says, " most of the knowledge I had gleaned 
from schoolbooks vanished like a dream." Only Lindley Murray 
remained, and he in an apotheosized state. "Learning was so 
illumined," she writes, " that grammar was eclipsed. Etymology 
was divine history, voicing the idea of God in man's origin and 
signification. Syntax was spiritual order and unity. Prosody, 
the song of angels, and no earthly or inglorious theme." 

Mrs. Eddy's schoolmates are not able to reconcile her story 
with their own recollections. They declare frankly that they 
do not believe Albert Baker taught her Hebrew, Greek, and 
Latin. He entered college when Mary was nine, and left home 
when she was thirteen. There were, they say, no graduations 
from Dyer H. Sanborn's Academy, for the girls and boys left 
school when they were old enough to go to work or to marry. 
They insist that Mary's education was finished when she reached 
long division in the district school. 

At church, too, Mary made a vivid impression. Like the 
rest of Mark Baker's family, she attended service regularly; 
and she took pains with her costume, and the timing of her 
arrival, so that members of the congregation have retained a 
distinct picture of Mary Baker as she appeared at church. 
She always made a ceremonious entrance, coming up the aisle 
after the rest of the congregation were seated, and attracting 
the general attention by her pretty clothes and ostentatious 
manner. No trace of early piety can be found in a first-hand 


study of Mrs. Eddy's life, yet in her autobiography she con 
stantly refers to deep religious experiences of her childhood. 
As her chief recollection of Bow farm days, she relates a 
peculiar experience, intended to show that, like little Samuel, 
she received ghostly visitations in early youth. She writes : 

For some twelve months, when I was about eight years old, I repeatedly 
heard a voice, calling me distinctly by name, three times, in an ascending 
scale. I thought this was my mother's voice, and sometimes went to her, 
beseeching her to tell me what she wanted. Her answer was always: 
"Nothing, child! What do you mean?" Then I would say: "Mother, 
who did call me? I heard somebody call Mary, three times!" This con 
tinued until I grew discouraged, and my mother was perplexed and 

At another time her cousin, Mehitable Huntoon, heard the 
voice and told Mary's mother about it. " That night," con 
tinues Mrs. Eddy's narrative, " before going to rest, my mother 
read to me the Scriptural narrative of little Samuel, and bade 
me, when the voice called again, to reply as he did, ' Speak, 
Lord; for thy servant heareth.' The voice came; but I did 
not answer. Afterward I wept, and prayed that God would 
forgive me, resolving to do, next time, as my mother had 
bidden me. When the call came again I did answer, in the 
words of Samuel, but never again to the material senses was 
that mysterious call repeated." 

Mrs. Eddy tells the story of her admission to church member 
ship and of her discussions with the elders, and Christian 
Scientists draw a parallel between this incident and that of 
Christ debating at the age of twelve with the wise men in the 
temple. " At the age of twelve," writes Mrs. Eddy, " I was 
admitted to the Congregationalist (Trinitarian) Church." She 
describes her horror of the doctrine of predestination, while she 


was preparing to enter the church, and how she wept over the 
necessity of believing that her unregenerate sisters and brothers 
would be damned. Peace, however, followed a season of prayer, 
and when she finally appeared at church for examination on 
doctrinal points, she flatly refused to accept that of predes 
tination. She says: 

Distinctly do I recall what followed. I stoutly maintained that I was 
willing to trust God, and take my chance of spirituaj safety with my 
brothers and sisters, not one of whom had then made any profession 
of religion, even if my credal doubts left me outside the doors. . . . 
Nevertheless, he (the minister) persisted in the assertion that I had been 
truly regenerated, and asked me to say how I felt when the new light 
dawned within me. I replied that I could only answer him in the words 
of the Psalmist : " Search me, O God, and know my heart ; try me, and 
know my thoughts; and see if there be any wicked way in me, and lead 
me in the way everlasting." 

This was so earnestly said, that even the oldest church-members wept. 
After the meeting was over they came and kissed me. To the astonish 
ment of many, the good clergyman's heart also melted, and he received 
me into their communion, and my protest along with me. 

The official record bearing on this point, taken from the 
clerk's book of the Tilton Congregational Church, is as follows : 

1838, July 26, Received into this church, Stephen Grant, Esq., John 
Gilly and his wife Hannah, Mrs. Susan French, wife of William French, 
Miss Mary A. M. Baker, by profession, the two former receiving the 
ordinance of baptism. Greenaugh McQuestion, Scribe. 

As Mary Baker was born on July 16, 1821, and as this 
record is dated " 1838, July 26," she was evidently seventeen, 
and not twelve, when the event described above took place. 

At home Mary was still allowed to have her own way as 
completely as in her baby days. Indeed, by this time she, as 
well as her family, had come to consider this privilege a 
natural right, and she grew constantly more insistent in her 
demands upon her parents and brother and sisters, who had 


found by long experience that the only way to live at all with 
Mary was to give in to all her whims. In a household where 
personal labour was exacted from each member, Mary spent 
her days in idleness. Where her sisters dressed plainly, she 
went clad in fine and dainty raiment, and where implicit obedi 
ence was required of the others, Mary ignored, and more often 
opposed, the wishes of her father ; and in the clashes between 
them, her mother and sisters usually at least in her younger 
years ranged themselves on her side, and against her father. 
Mary's hysteria was, of course, her most effective argument 
in securing her way. Like the sword of Damocles, it hung 
perilously over the household, which constantly surrendered and 
conceded and made shift with Mary to avert the inevitable 
climax. Confusion and excitement and agony of mind lest 
Mary should die was the invariable consequence of her hysterical 
outbreaks, and the business of the house and farm was at a 
standstill until the tragedy had passed. 

These attacks, which continued until very late in Mrs. Eddy's 
life, have been described to the writer by many eye-witnesses, 
some of whom have watched by her bedside and treated her 
in Christian Science for her affliction. At times the attack 
resembled convulsions. Mary fell headlong to the floor, writh 
ing and screaming in apparent agony. Again she dropped as 
if lifeless, and lay limp and motionless, until restored. At 
other times she became rigid like a cataleptic, and continued 
for a time in a state of suspended animation. At home the 
family worked over her, and the doctor was sent for, and Mary 
invariably recovered rapidly after a few hours; but year after 
year her relatives fully expected that she would die in one 


of these spasms. Nothing had the power of exciting Mark 
Baker like one of Mary's " fits," as they were called. His 
neighbours in Tilton remember him as he went to fetch Dr. 
Ladd, 8 how he lashed his horses down the hill, standing upright 
in his wagon and shouting in his tremendous voice, " Mary 
is dying ! " 

Outside the family, Mary's spells did not inspire the same 
anxiety. The unsympathetic called them " tantrums," after a 
better acquaintance with her, and declared that she used her 
nerves to get her own way. In later years Mark Baker came 
to share this neighbourhood opinion, and on one occasion, after 
Mary had grown to womanhood, he tested her power of self- 
control by allowing her to remain on the floor, where she had 
thrown herself when her will was crossed, and leaving her to 
herself. An hour later when he opened the door, the room 
was deserted. Mary had gone upstairs to her room, and noth 
ing was heard from her until she appeared at supper, fully 
recovered. After that Mary's nerves lost their power over 
her father to a great extent, and when hard put to it, he 
sometimes complained to his friends. A neighbour, passing 
the house one morning, stopped at Mark's gate and inquired 
why Mary, who was at that moment rushing wildly up and 
down the second-story piazza, was so excited; to which Mark 
replied bitterly : " The Bible says Mary Magdalen had seven 
devils, but our Mary has got ten ! " 

Unquestionably, Mary's attacks represented, to a great de 
gree, a genuine affliction. Although Dr. Ladd sometimes impa 
tiently diagnosed them as " hysteria mingled with bad temper," 

8 Dr. Nathaniel G. Ladd, the village physician. 


he was, without doubt, deeply interested in her case. He 
dabbled a little in mesmerism and sometimes experimented on 
Mary, whom he found a sensitive subject. He discovered that he 
could partly control her movements by mental suggestion. " I 
can make that girl stop in the street any time merely by willing 
it," he used to tell his friends, and he often demonstrated that 
he could do it. 

Mesmerism was a new subject in New England in those days, 
and there was much experimenting and excitement over it. 
There is no doubt that it formed one of the early influences 
in Mrs. Eddy's life, and that it left an indelible impression 
upon her supersensitive organisation. Charles Poyen, a French 
disciple of Mesmer, had travelled through New England, lectur 
ing and performing marvels of mesmeric power in the same 
towns in which Mrs. Eddy then lived. In his book, Animal 
Magnetism in New England, which was published in 1837, 
he gives an account of his experiences there and says : " Animal 
magnetism indisputably constituted in several parts of New 
England the most stirring topic of conversation among all 
classes of society." He called it a "great Truth," "The 
Power of Mind Over Matter," a " demonstration," a " discovery 
given by God," and a " science." Whether or not Mary Baker 
saw or heard Poyen, or read his book, she must have heard 
of his theories, and must have been familiar with the phrases 
he used, as they were matter of common household discussion 
and would appeal strongly to a girl of Mary's temperament. 
In Christian Science she has given an important place to 
" Animal Magnetism," and there is a chapter devoted to it 
in her book, Science and Health. 


Andrew Jackson Davis, 9 afterward the celebrated Spiritual 
ist, had already begun to astound the public by his remarkable 
theories of the universe and disease, and by his extraordinary 
literary feats. The healing of disease by means outside regu 
lar channels was commonly reported, and new religious ideas 
were developing. It was a more prolific period than usual for 
all sorts of mystery and quackery in New England. 

Another influence of these early years, whiqh had an effect 
upon her later career, may be traced to the sect known as 
Shakers, which had sprung up in that section of New Hamp 
shire. Their main community was at East Canterbury, N. H., 
five miles from Tilton, and Mary Baker was familiar with their 
appearance, their peculiar costume, and their community life. 
She knew their religious doctrines and spiritual exaltations, and 
was acquainted with their habits of industry and thrift. In 
her girlhood there were still living in the neighbourhood people 
who remembered Ann Lee, 10 the founder of the sect. All 
through Mary's youth the Shakers were much in the courts 
because of the scandalous charges brought against them, and 
on one occasion they were defended by Franklin Pierce, in whose 
office Albert Baker studied law. Laws directed against their 
community were constantly presented to the Legislature, and 
complaints against them were frequently heard. A famous 
" exposure " of Shaker methods, written by Mary Dyer, who 
had been a member of the Canterbury community, was published 
in Concord in 1847 ; and the Shakers and their doings formed 
one of the exciting topics of the times. 

io^ th - or ot . The <% eat Harmonia, etc. See Appendix B. 

Fleeing from England in 1774, Ann Lee spent her first few years in 
America at Concord and the neighbouring towns. 


That these happenings made a profound impression on Mary 
Baker and became irrevocably a part of her susceptible nature 
is evident; for we find her reverting to and making use of 
certain phases of Shakerism when, later, she had established 
a religious system of her own. 11 

When Mary was twenty-two years old she married George 
Washington Glover, a son of John and Nancy Glover, who 
were neighbours of the Bakers at Bow. " Wash " Glover, as 
he was called, was a big, kind-hearted young fellow, who had 
learned the mason's trade with Mary's brother, Samuel, and 
he was an expert workman. The families were already con 
nected through the marriage of Samuel Baker to Glover's 
sister, Eliza. After learning his trade, Glover had gone South, 
where there was a demand for Northern labour, and it was on 
one of his visits home that he fell in love with Mary Baker. 
They were married at Mark Baker's house December 12, 1843, 
and Glover took his bride back with him to Charleston, S. C. 
Six months later he was stricken with yellow fever and died 
in June, 1844, at Wilmington, N. C., where he had gone on 

His young wife was left in a miserable plight, being far from 
home, among strangers and without money. Mr. Glover, how 
ever, had been a Freemason, and his brothers of that order 
came to his wife's relief. They buried her husband and paid 
her railroad fare to New York, where she was met by her 
brother George and taken back to her father's house. Here, 
the following September, her son was born, and she named him 
George Washington, after his father. 

n See Appendix C. 




MRS. GLOVER had now to face a hard situation. Her brief 
married life had ended in adversity, and returning a widow to 
her father's house, she was without means of support for 
herself or her child, and she had neither the training nor 
the disposition to take up an occupation, or to make herself 
useful at home. Her sisters and brothers were married and 
gone from home, and her parents were growing old and less 
able to cope with her turbulent moods. Embarrassing as this 
position would have been to most women, Mrs. Glover did not 
apparently find it so. She took it for granted that she was 
to receive not only the sympathy of her relatives but their 
support and constant service, and that they should assume the 
care of her child. She divided her time between her father's 
house and that of her sister Abby, and her baby was left to her 
mother and sister or sent up the valley to a Mrs. Varney, whose 
son, John Varney, worked for the Tiltons. Frequently, too, 
the child stayed with Mahala Sanborn, a neighbour who had 
attended Mrs. Glover at his birth. But wherever he was, it was 
not with his mother, who had shown a curious aversion to him 
from the beginning. " Mary," said her father, " acts like an 



old ewe that won't own its lamb. She won't have the boy 
near her." 

It must be said to the credit of the Baker family that they 
met Mrs. Glover's demands with a patience and faithfulness 
that seems remarkable from a family of such impatient and 
dominating character. They gave her the best room in each 
house and regulated their domestic affairs with a view to her 
comfort. When her nerves were in such a state of irritation 
that the slightest sound annoyed her, Mark Baker spread the 
road in front of his house with straw and tan bark to deaden 
the sound of passing waggons. The noise of children disturbed 
her, so the baby was sent to Mahala Sanborn or to Mrs. 
Tilton. At her sister's house they tiptoed about the rooms 
and placed covered bricks against every sill that the doors 
might close softly. At both houses she was rocked to sleep 
like a child in the arms of her father or her sister, and then 
gently carried to bed. Sometimes, at the Tiltons', this task 
fell to John Varney, the hired man, who like the members of her 
own family, rocked her to sleep and carried her to bed. To 
put an end to this practice, Mrs. Tilton ordered a large cradle 
made for Mrs. Glover. It was built with a balustrade and an 
extension seat at one end upon which Varney could sit, and by 
rocking himself as in a chair, also rock the cradle. Another 
symptom of her pathological condition was her intense desire 
for swinging. A large swing was hung from hooks in the 
ceiling of her room at Mrs. Tilton's, and here she was swung 
hours at a time by her young nephew, Albert Tilton. When 
Albert tired of the exercise he sometimes hired a substitute, 
so that " swinging Mrs. Glover " became a popular way of 


earning an honest penny among the village boys. One of these 
" boys " has described his experience to the writer. " Some 
days," he said, " Mrs. Glover was so nervous she couldn't have 
anybody in the room with her, and then I used to tie a string 
to the seat and swing her from outside her bedroom door." 
Mark Baker and John Varney were obliged often to carry her 
in their arms and walk the floor with her at night to soothe 
her excitable nerves, and when everything else failed, Mark 
used to send for old " Boston John " Clark to come and quiet 
Mrs. Glover by mesmerism. Clark was a bridge-builder from 
one of the villages up the valley who had acquired some reputa 
tion as a mesmerist, practising, like Dr. Ladd, upon any sub 
ject who was willing, and particularly happy when he dis 
covered a " sensitive " like Mrs. Glover. He never failed to 
soothe her, and after one of his visits, the Baker family enjoyed 
a space of quiet from the incessant turmoil of Mary's nerves. 
Yet Mrs. Glover was neither helpless nor incapacitated. She did 
not keep to her bed and she was able to go about the village and 
to attend to whatever she was interested in. Her neighbours 
remember her at church gatherings and at the sewing circle, 
where she went regularly although she did not sew. It was 
one of Mrs. Glover's notions, after her six months in Charles 
ton, to imitate the Southern women in little matters of dress 
and manner, and at the sewing circle she sat and gave voluble 
descriptions of her life in the South and the favourable im 
pression she had made there, deploring the loss of the daily 
horseback ride she had been accustomed to take in South 

Twice Mrs. Glover made an effort at self-support. While 


living with Mrs. Tilton she taught a class of children, holding 
the sessions in a small building, once used as a shop, on the 
Tilton place. After a few weeks' trial she gave it up. A little 
later she repeated the experiment, but with the same result. 
Although Mrs. Glover was later to have a " college " of her 
own, and to be its president and sole instructor, teaching was 
assuredly not her vocation in these early Tilton days. Perhaps 
a dozen of her Tilton pupils are still living, and they are fond 
of relating anecdotes of the days when they went to school 
to Mrs. Glover. They all remember that the teacher required 
the class to march around the room singing the following 

refrain : 

" We will tell Mrs. Glover 
How much we love her; 
By the light of the moon 
We will come to her." 1 

Mrs. Glover began now to enjoy considerable local fame on 
account of her susceptibility to mesmeric influence, and her 
clairvoyant powers. She had developed a habit of falling into 
trances. Often, in the course of a social call, she would close 
her eyes and sink into a state of apparent unconsciousness, dur 
ing which she could describe scenes and events. The curious 
and superstitious began to seek her advice while she was in 

1 This song was evidently an adaptation of a popular " round " of that period, 
which ran : 

" Go to Jane Glover 
And tell her I love her 
And by the light of the moon 
I will come to her." 

A correspondent gives the information that in Crieff, Perthshire, Scotland, 
a similar " round " was in popular use previous to the year 1840, the words 
of which were : 

"Go to .Tonn Glover 
And tell her I love her 
And by the light of the moon 
I will come to her." 


this trance state. " Boston John " Clark experimented with 
her, putting her into the mesmeric sleep and attempting to 
trace lost or stolen articles by means of her clairvoyance. 
Once she tried to locate a drowned body. These efforts were 
not attended with any great success, but interest in mesmerism 
and clairvoyance ran high, and any one who could fall into 
a trance and describe things was sure to be an object of wonder. 
John Varney conceived the notion of turning this talent of 
Mrs. Glover's to practical account. " Boston John " was sent 
for, and Mrs. Glover, at Varney's suggestion, described the 
hiding-place of Captain Kidd's treasure, which was then a 
topic of exciting speculation. She indicated a spot near the 
city of Lynn, Mass. Varney and his cronies set out for the 
place and spent several days digging for the treasure, but 
without success. 

A few years later when spiritualism swept over the country, 
Mrs. Glover took on the symptoms of a " medium." Like 
the Fox sisters, she heard mysterious rappings at night, she 
saw " spirits " of the departed standing by her bedside, and 
she received messages in writing from the dead. There are 
people living who remember very distinctly the spiritism craze 
in Tilton, and who witnessed Mrs. Glover's manifestations of 
mediumship. One elderly woman recalls a night spent with 
Mrs. Glover when her rest was constantly disturbed by the 
strange rappings and by Mary's frequent announcements of 
the " appearance " of different spirits as they came and went. 

Mark Baker's house was one of those where spirit seances 
were held. The whole community was more or less interested 
and a few went to extremes. One of this number became 


so excited over the wonderful phenomena of Mrs. Glover's 
writing mediumship that his mind was temporarily unbalanced. 
A former Tilton woman, who remembers these events, writes 
of Mrs. Glover's ability as a writing medium : " This was by 
no means looked upon as anything discreditable, but only as 
a matter of great astonishment." 

During these years, too, Mrs. Glover tried her hand at 
writing. She spent many hours in her room " composing 
poetry," which sometimes appeared in the poet's corners of 
local newspapers, and there is a tradition that she wrote a love 
story for Godey's Lady's Booh. This literary tendency was 
a valuable asset, which Mrs. Glover made the most of. It 
gave her a certain prestige in the community, and she was not 
loth to pose as an " authoress." Perhaps it was this early 
habit of looking upon herself as a literary authority which 
led her to take those curious liberties with English which have 
always been characteristic of her. She drew largely upon the 
credit of the language, sometimes producing a word or evolving 
a pronunciation which completely floored her hearers. Some 
of these words and phrases have passed into local bywords. 
" When I vociferate so loudly, why do you not respond with 
greater alacrity ? " she sometimes seriously demanded of her 
attendants. She referred to plain John Varney as " Mr. 
Ve-owney," and few ordinary words were left unadorned. She 
sought also to improve upon nature in the matter of her own 
good looks. Although she had a beautiful complexion, she 
rouged and powdered, and although she had excellent teeth, she 
had some of them replaced by false ones, " made entirely of 
platinum," as Mrs. Glover described them. 


On the whole, it is no wonder that Mrs. Glover was not taken 
seriously in her own town. Artificiality spread over all her 
acts, and in no relation in life did she impress even her nearest 
friends or her own family with genuine feeling or sincerity. 
Indeed, she was bitterly censured in those years for the more 
active faults of selfish and unfilial conduct and a strange lack 
of the sense of maternal duty. In 1851 Mrs. Glover had given 
her son, George, to Mahala Sanborn. The boy, having reached 
the age of seven, was growing too large to be sent about 
from one house to another to be looked after. Mrs. Glover's 
mother had died of typhoid fever in November, 1849, and 
Mrs. Tilton was growing each year more impatient and weary 
of Mrs. Glover's conduct. So when Mahala Sanborn married 
Russell Cheney and was preparing to move away from Tilton, 
Mrs. Glover begged her to take George to live with her perma 
nently. Mrs. Cheney, who was attached to the boy, at last 
consented to do so, and George accompanied her and her hus 
band to their new home in North Groton, and was called by 
their name. 

Mark Baker, in the fall of 1850, had married Mrs. Elizabeth 
Patterson Duncan, a widow of Londonderry, N. H., and moved 
into the village of Tilton. Mrs. Glover continued to live at 
home, spending most of her time there now, for her step 
mother was of a pliable nature and gentle disposition, and 
had taken up the task of attending to Mary's wants with a 
patience equal to that of Mrs. Glover's own mother. 

Notwithstanding Mrs. Glover's shortcomings of temper, she 
could be amiable and attractive enough when she chose. To 
men she always showed her most winning side, and she had 


never lacked admirers. One of her suitors at this time was 
Dr. Daniel Patterson, an itinerant dentist practising in Tilton 
and the villages thereabouts. Dr. Patterson was large, hand 
some, and genial. He wore a full beard, dressed in a frock 
coat and silk hat, and was popular among his patrons. Al 
though he was industrious enough at his business and made a 
living sufficient for himself, he was not a genius at money- 
making, and he was not inclined to exert himself much more 
than was necessary. From his first acquaintance with Mrs. 
Glover he was determined to marry her. Conscientious Mark 
Baker, when he heard of Dr. Patterson's intention, visited the 
dentist and told him of Mary's ill-health and nervous afflictions, 
but interference only strengthened the doctor's determination, 
and on June 21, 1853, the wedding took place at Mark Baker's 
house, although Dr. Patterson was obliged to carry his bride 
downstairs from her room for the ceremony, and back again 
when it was over. Mrs. Glover had been very ill and weak 
that spring and was not yet recovered. After her marriage 
she spent the days of her convalescence in Tilton with her 
husband, and then they went to Franklin, a neighbouring 
village where Dr. Patterson was practising. But Mrs. Patter 
son's invalidism, from being intermittent, soon became a settled 
condition. She sent for her cradle while they were living 
in Franklin, and the older residents still recall the day that 
Patterson drove into town with a large waggon containing his 
wife's cradle. 

From Franklin they went, in a short time, to North Groton, 
where the Cheneys and young George Glover were living. 
North Groton, in the southern fringe of the White Mountains, 


was very remote and could be reached only by stage. Like all 
the White Mountain region, it was beautiful in the summer 
season, but in the winter it was rugged and desolate. The 
farmhouses were far apart, and the roads were sometimes im 
passable. Often one would not see a neighbour or a passerby 
for weeks at a time when the snow was deep; and the winters 
there were very long. In a lane off the main road, the Patter 
sons lived in a small frame house, which faced a deep wood. 
At the right rose the mountains. Back of the house there was 
a swift mountain brook, and there the dentist had built a small 
sawmill, which he operated when there was not much dentist 
work to do, or when his wife's ill-health made it necessary for 
him to stay closely at home. He also practised homoeopathy 
intermittently, but in the main he worked at his dentistry, 
driving to the nearby towns to practise, and leaving his wife 
alone or in the care of their occasional servant. There was 
only one near neighbour. It is not strange that, under these 
circumstances, Mrs. Patterson fell into a state of chronic illness 
and developed ways that were considered peculiar by her 

Her neighbours in North Groton tell the old story of her 
illnesses, her hysteria, her high temper, and her unreasonable 
demands on her husband. She required him to keep the wooden 
bridge over the brook covered with sawdust to deaden the 
sound of footsteps or vehicles, and, according to local tradi 
tion, he spent many evenings killing discordant frogs, whose 
noise disturbed Mrs. Patterson. Other stories sink further 
toward burlesque. Old inhabitants of North Groton still re 
member the long drive which a neighbour made for Mrs. Patter- 

Photograph by Wm. W. Weller 


Mrs. Eddy's second husband 


son one stormy winter night. While the doctor was away 
in Franklin, attending to his practice, Mrs. Patterson fell into 
a state of depression which ended in hysterics. A neighbour 
was sent for, and Mrs. Patterson declared she was dying, and 
that her husband must be brought home at once. To her own 
family this situation would not have seemed the desperate 
affair it was to Mrs. Patterson's neighbour. Moved by the 
entreaties of the dying wife, he set out at night on the thirty- 
mile drive to Franklin, over roads that were almost impassable 
from heavy snowdrifts. His horses became exhausted and he 
stopped at Bristol only long enough to change them for a 
fresh pair. Arriving at Franklin the next morning he made 
haste to inform Dr. Patterson of his wife's dying condition. 
To his astonishment the dentist looked up and remarked, " I 
think she will live until I finish this job at least," and went 
on with his work. When they reached North Groton late that 
day, they found Mrs. Patterson sitting in her chair, serene 
and cheerful, having apparently forgotten her indisposition 
of the night before. 

Gradually the sympathy of her neighbours was withdrawn 
from Mrs. Patterson, and in North Groton, as in Tilton, she 
came to be harshly criticised. Many years afterward, upon 
the occasion of the dedication of the Christian Science Church 
in Concord, N. H., July 16, 1904, a North Groton corre 
spondent, under the head, " Time Makes Changes," wrote in 
the Plymouth Record : 

With the announcement of the dedication of the Christian Science 
Church at Concord, the gift of Mary Baker Glover Patterson Eddy, the 
thoughts of many of the older residents have turned back to the time when 
Mrs. Eddy, as the wife of Daniel Patterson, lived in this place. These 


people remember the woman at that time as one who carried herself above 
her fellows. With no stretch of the imagination they remember her un 
governable temper and hysterical ways, and particularly well do they 
remember the night ride of one of the citizens who went for her husband 
to calm her in one of her unreasonable moods. The Mrs. Eddy of to-day 
is not the Mrs. Patterson of then, for this is a sort of Mr. Hyde and Dr. 
Jekyll case, and the woman is now credited with many charitable and 
kindly acts. 

Although Mrs. Patterson now lived near her boy, George, 
she did not see a great deal of him. He had started to go 
to school, and used sometimes to stop at his mother's house 
on his way home, but she never cared to have him with her. 
Instead, and by some perverse law of her nature, she showed 
a deep affection for the infant son of her neighbour, naming 
him Mark after her father, and making plans for his education 
and future. In 1857 Russell Cheney and his wife went West 
to live, taking George Glover with them. George was now 
thirteen. He was excited at the prospect of the trip, and 
after bidding his mother good-bye, he was taken to Tilton a 
day before the time set for their departure, to say farewell 
to his Grandfather Baker and his Aunt Tilton. 

In Retrospection and Introspection Mrs. Eddy gives the fol 
lowing account of her separation from her son : 

After returning to the paternal roof, I lost all my husband's property, 
except what money I had brought with me; and remained with my parents 
until after my mother's decease. 

A few months before my father's second marriage to Mrs. Elizabeth 
Patterson Duncan, sister of Lieutenant-Governor George W. Patterson, 
of New York my little son, about four years of age, was sent away 
from me, and put under the care of our family nurse, who had married, 
and resided in the northern part of New Hampshire. I had no training 
for self-support, and my home I regarded as very precious. The night 
before my child was taken from me, I knelt by his side throughout the 
dark hours, hoping for a vision of relief from this trial. The following 


lines are taken from my poem, " Mother's Darling," written after this 
separation : 

" Thy smile through tears, as sunshine o'er the sea, 

Awoke new beauty in the surge's roll! 
Oh, life is dead, bereft of all, with thee, 
Star of my earthly hope, babe of my soul." 

My dominant thought in marrying again was to get back my child, 
but after our marriage his stepfather was not willing he should have a 
home with me. A plot was consummated for keeping us apart. The 
family to whose care he was committed, very soon removed to what was 
then regarded as the Far West. 

After his removal a letter was read to my little son informing him 
that his mother was dead and buried. Without my knowledge he was 
appointed a guardian, and I was then informed that my son was lost. 
Every means within my power was employed to find him, but without 
success. We never met again until he had reached the age of thirty- four, 
had a wife and two children, and by a strange providence had learned 
that his mother still lived, and came to see me in Massachusetts. 

From Enterprise, Minn., where the Cheneys settled, Mrs. 
Patterson often had news of her son. Mrs. Cheney and her 
husband wrote frequently to their relatives and friends in North 
Groton and Tilton, giving details of their life and of George's 
progress. Mr. Cyrus Blood of North Groton, one of George 
Glover's early chums, remembers a visit he paid to Dr. Patter 
son, during which Mrs. Patterson read a letter from George, 
in which he told her of leaving the Cheneys and enlisting in 
the Civil War. This was in 1861 when George was seventeen. 
" She seemed as well pleased, and as proud," writes Mr. Blood, 
" as any mother with a boy in the army." The present writer 
has also read a letter from Mrs. Patterson to P. P. Quimby of 
Portland, Me., dated July 29, 1865, in which she describes 
her son as " mortally ill at Enterprise, Minn.," and declares 
that unless he is better at once she will start for the West 
" on Monday." 


George Glover made an excellent record as a soldier; was 
wounded at Shiloh and honourably discharged; was appointed 
United States Marshal of the Dakotas; knocked about the 
Western states as a prospector and miner, and finally settled 
at Lead, S. D., where he now carries on his mining enterprises. 
He has a wife and four children, the eldest of whom is a 
daughter named Mary Baker Glover, for her grandmother. 
Mrs. Eddy and her son met for the first time 'after their long 
separation, in 1879, Mrs. Eddy having sent a mysterious tele 
gram begging him to come to her immediately. She was then 
living in Lynn. The Glovers live in a handsome house in Lead 
which Mrs. Eddy built for her son in 1902. None of the 
family is a Christian Scientist. Several years ago when Glover's 
eldest daughter died his neighbours expressed amazement that 
he had not called upon Mrs. Eddy to cure her. " Why, do you 
know," replied George, " I never thought of mother ! " 

In March, 1860, three years after George had gone West 
with the Cheneys, Dr. and Mrs. Patterson became involved in 
a dispute with a neighbour and moved away, this time trying 
Rumney, the next village. At first they boarded with Mrs. 
John Herbert, a widow at Rumney Station, and later they lived 
by themselves in a house belonging to John Dearborn in Rumney 
Village, a mile from the Station. Mrs. Patterson's reputation 
had preceded her and she was at once a topic of discussion. 
She went out but seldom, and then propped up with pillows 
in a carriage. It was said that she suffered from a spinal 
disease. From the Herbert family and from her husband she 
required the utmost attention. Dr. Patterson waited upon her 
constantly when he was at home, carrying her downstairs to 


her meals and back again to her room. When he was not at 
home, she was able to walk about and attend to most of her 
wants unassisted; but when he returned she relapsed into a 
state of helplessness. 

From the traditions which abound in these villages it is 
evident that the Pattersons' marriage was an unfortunate one. 
Dr. Patterson's bluff and rather coarse geniality must greatly 
have irritated his high-strung and self-centred wife, and there 
is no doubt that, on his part, he came quickly to see the force 
of Mark Baker's advice against the marriage. He seems to 
have responded faithfully to his wife's demands, and to have 
endured her irascibility with patience. It was probably a 
relief to both when Dr. Patterson went South, after the Civil 
War began, in the hope of securing more profitable employ 
ment as an army surgeon. He visited the early battlefields, and, 
straying into the enemies' lines, was taken captive and sent 
to a Southern prison. In his absence Mrs. Patterson showed 
that she was capable of a gentler sentiment toward her husband. 
During his confinement in prison she published (June 20, 1862) 
the following poem, the last stanza of which is slightly reminis 
cent of certain lines in Lord Byron's poem to the more celebrated 
patriot, Bonnivard: 


Alas ! sweet bird, of fond ones reft, 
Alone in Northern climes thus left, 
To seek in vain through airy space 
Some fellow-warbler's resting place; 
And find upon the hoarse wind's song 
No welcome note is borne along. 


Then wildly through the skies of blue, 
To spread thy wings of dappled hue, 
As if forsooth this frozen zone 
Could yield one joy for bliss that's floWrt} 
While sunward as thine eager flight, 
That glance is fixed on visions bright. 

And grief may nestle in that breast, 

Some vulture may have robbed its rest, 

But guileless as thou art, sweet thing, 

With melting melody thou'lt sing; 

The vulture's scream your nerves unstrung, 

But, birdie, 'twas a woman's tongue. 

I, too, would join thy sky-bound flight, 
To orange groves and mellow light, 
And soar from earth to loftier doom>, 
And light on flowers with sweet perfumey 
And wake a genial, happy lay- 
Where hearts are kind, and earth so gay. 

Oh! to the captive^s cell I'd sing 

A song of hope and freedom bring 

An olive leaf I'd quick let fall, 

And lift our country's blackened pall; 

Then homeward seek my frigid zone, 

More chilling to the heart alone. 

Lone as a solitary star, 2 
Lone as a vacant sepulchre, 
Yet not alone ! my Father's call 
Who marks the sparrow in her fall . 
Attunes my ear to joys elate, 
The joys I'll sing at Heaven's 
Rumney, June 20, 1862. 

2 Byron's " Prisoner of Chillon," when relating how the bird perched and 
sang upon the grating of his donjon, exclaims :. 

" I sometimes deem'd that tt might be 
My brother's soul come down to me ; 
But then at last away it flew, 
And then 'twas mortal well I knew, 
For he would never thus have flown, 
And left me twice so doubly lone, 
Lone as the corse within its shroud^. 
Lone as a solitary cloud, " etc.. 


Left alone, and once more penniless, after her husband's im 
prisonment, Mrs. Patterson again fell back upon her relatives. 
She wrote to Mrs. Tilton for assistance. Mrs. Tilton went to 
Rumney, settled Mrs. Patterson's affairs there, and took her 
back to Tilton. 

It is this part of her career that Mrs. Eddy has sought to 
blot out of existence. She makes no reference to it in her 
autobiography, and in another place has said that no special 
account is to be made of the years between 1844 and 1866. 
These twenty-two lost years between her twenty-third and 
forty-sixth birthdays were, as has been shown, spent in fretful 
ill-health and discontent. It was a hard life, sordid in many of 
its experiences, petty in its details, and narrow in its limitations. 
Yet there is nothing to show that Mrs. Eddy made an effort 
to improve her hard situation, or to make herself useful to 
others ; and at forty she was known only for her eccentricities. 




WHILE Dr. and Mrs. Patterson were living in Rumney, it 
was announced in the village that a new healer, Phineas Park- 
hurst Quimby of Portland, Me., would visit Concord, N. H., 
to treat all the sick who would come to him. Stories of the 
marvellous cures he was said to perform had spread throughout 
New England. Stubborn diseases, which had resisted the skill 
of regular physicians, were reported as yielding promptly to 
the magic of the Quimby method. This new doctor, so the 
story ran, used no medicines, and never failed to heal ; and upon 
hearing these tales the sick and the suffering particularly those 
who were the victims of long-standing and chronic diseases 
took heart and tried to reach him. Among these was Mrs. 
Patterson. Her husband wrote to Dr. Quimby from Rumney 
on October 14, 1861, that Mrs. Patterson had been an invalid 
from a spinal disease for many years. She had heard of 
Quimby's " wonderful cures," and desired him to visit her. If 
Dr. Quimby intended to come to Concord, as they had heard, 
Dr. Patterson would " carry " his wife to see him. If not, 
he would try to get her to Portland. 

Dr. Quimby did not visit Concord, and Dr. Patterson 
soon went South, but in the following spring (May 9, 1862) 

Mrs. Patterson herself wrote to Quimby from Rumney, appeal- 



ing to him to help her, and setting forth her truly pathetic 
situation. She had been better, the letter said, but the shock 
of hearing that her husband had " been captured by the 
Southrons " and again prostrated her. She had, she wrote, 
" full confidence " in Dr. Quiraby's " philosophy, as explained 
in your circular," and she begged him to come to Rumney. 
She had been ill for six years, she said, and " only you can 
save me." Hard as the journey to Portland would be, she 
thought she was sufficiently " excitable," even in her feeble 
condition, to undertake it. 1 

Although Quimby could not go to Rumney as she requested, 
Mrs. Patterson clung to the idea of seeing him. After she 
had returned to her sister's home in Tilton, she talked of 
Quimby constantly, and begged Mrs. Tilton to send her to 
Portland for treatment. But Mrs. Tilton would not consent, 
nor provide money for the trip, as she considered Dr. Quimby 
a quack and thought the reports of his cures were greatly ex 
aggerated. Instead, she sent Mrs. Patterson to a water cure 
Dr. Tail's Hydropathic Institute at Hill, N. H. At the Hill 
institution Dr. Quimby was just then a topic of eager interest 
among the patients, and Mrs. Patterson finally resolved to reach 
Portland. She wrote again to Dr. Quimby from Hill, telling 
him that although she had been at Dr. Vail's cure for several 
months, she had not been benefited and would die unless he, 
Quimby, could help her. " I can sit up but a few minutes 
at a time," she wrote. " Do you think I can reach you without 
sinking from the effects of the journey? " 

Mrs. Patterson knew that it was useless to appeal again to 

1 This letter, with others from Mrs. Patterson to Dr. Quimby, is in the 
possession of Quimby's son, George A. Quimby of Belfast, Me. 


her sister, and as there was no one else, she used her wits. 
From time to time she applied to Mrs. Tilton for small sums 
of money for extra expenses. By hoarding these she soon had 
enough to pay her fare to Portland, and she, therefore, set out. 

Mrs. Patterson arrived at the International Hotel in October, 
1862, and with scores of others, who went flocking to Quimby, 
she was helped up the stairs to his office. 

Dr. Quimby now becomes such a potent influence in Mrs. 
Patterson's life that some understanding of the man and his 
theories is necessary for any complete comprehension of her 
subsequent career. 

Phineas Parkhurst Quimby was " Doctor " only by courtesy : 
he had taken no university degree and had studied in no regular 
school of medicine. He was regarded by the educated public 
as an amiable humbug or a fanatic, but by hundreds of his 
patients he was looked upon as a worker of miracles. His 
methods resembled those of no regular physician then in practice, 
nor did he imitate the spiritualistic and clairvoyant healers 
who at that time flourished in New England. He gave no 
drugs, went into no trances, used no incantations, and did 
not heal by mesmerism after he had discovered his " science." 
He professed to make his patients well and happy purely by 
the benevolent power of mind. 

Fantastic as this idea then seemed, Quimby was no ordinary 
quack. He did not practise on the credulous for money, and 
his theories represented at least independent thought and pa" 
tient, life-long study. He was born in New Lebanon, N. H., 
February 16, 1802, but spent the larger part of his life in 
Belfast, Me. He was one of seven children, and his father was 


a poor, Hardworking blacksmith. Quimby, therefore, had prac 
tically no educational advantages ; indeed, he spent actually 
only six weeks in school. Apprenticed as a boy to a clock- 
maker, he became an adept at his trade. The Quimby clock 
is still a domestic institution in New England; hundreds made 
by Quimby's own hands are still keeping excellent time. Quimby 
had an ingenious mind and a natural aptitude for mechanics. 
lie invented, among other things, a band-saw much like one in 
use at the present time, and he was one of the first makers of 
daguerreotypes. From the first he disclosed one rare mental 
quality: his keen power of observation and originality of 
thought forbade his taking anything for granted. He recog 
nised no such thing as accepted knowledge. He developed into 
a mild-mannered New England Socrates, constantly looking 
into his own mind, and subjecting to proof all the commonplace 
beliefs of his friends. He read deeply in philosophy and 
science, and loved nothing better than to discuss these subjects 
at length. 

In those days a man of Quimby's intellectual type did not 
lack subjects of interest. In the '30's the first wave of mental 
science, animal magnetism, and clairvoyance swept over New 
England. The atmosphere was charged with the occult, the 
movement ranging all the way from phrenology and mind- 
reading to German transcendentalism. Quimby's interest was 
directly stimulated by the visit of Charles Poyen, the well- 
known French mesmerist, who came to lecture in Belfast. The 
inquiring clock-maker became absorbed in Poyen's theories, 
formed his acquaintance, and followed him from town to town. 
Inevitably, Quimby began experimenting in the subject which 


so interested him. Discovering that he had mesmeric power, 
he exercised it upon many of his friends and easily repeated 
the performance of Poyen and other exhibitors. From becom 
ing their imitator he became their rival, and abandoning his 
workshop, started out as a professional mesmerist. Among the 
wonder-workers of the early '40's, " Park " Quimby, as he was 
popularly called, became pre-eminent. Always considered an 
original character in his native village, he was now regarded as 
an outright crank, and was the subject of much amiable jocu 

In the course of his experiments, Quimby discovered that his 
most sensitive subject was Lucius Burkmar, a boy about seven 
teen years old, over whom he had acquired almost unlimited 
hypnotic control. The two travelled all over New England, 
performing mesmerics feats that have hardly been duplicated 
since, everywhere arousing great popular interest, and, in certain 
quarters, great hostility. Psychic phenomena were then incom 
pletely understood ; clergymen preached against mesmerism, 
or animal magnetism, as the work of the devil, a revival of 
ancient witchcraft; while the practical man regarded it as 
pure fraud. The newspapers frequently vilified Quimby and 
Burkmar, and they were more than once threatened by mobs. 

Then, as now, the public mind associated the occult sciences 
with the cure of physical disease. Clairvoyants, magnetisers, 
and mind-readers treated all imaginable ills. When blind 
folded, they had the power according to their advertisements 
of looking into the bodies of their patients, examining their 
inmost organs, indicating the affected parts, and prescribing 
remedies. Hundreds of men, women, and children, whose cases 


" the doctors had given up as hopeless," fervently testified to 
their power. Thus Quimby and Burkmar inevitably received 
numerous appeals from the sick. After a few trials, Quimby 
became convinced that in a mesmeric state Burkmar could 
diagnose and treat disease. Though absolutely ignorant of 
medicine and anatomy, Burkmar described minutely the ailments 
of numerous patients, and prescribed medicines, which, although 
absurd to a physician, apparently produced favourable results. 
For three or four years Quimby and Burkmar practised with 
considerable success. Consumptives, according to popular re 
port, began to get well, the blind saw, and the halt walked. 

Quimby then made an important discovery. After careful 
observation, he concluded that neither Burkmar nor his remedies, 
in themselves, had the slightest power. Burkmar, he believed, 
did not himself diagnose the case. He merely reported what 
the patient, or some one else present in the room, imagined the 
disease to be. He had, Quimby thought, a clairvoyant or mind- 
reading faculty, by which he simply reproduced the opinion 
which the sick had themselves formed. Quimby also discovered 
that, in instances where improvement actually took place, the 
drug prescribed had nothing to do with it. Once Burkmar, in 
the mesmeric state, ordered a concoction too expensive for the 
patient's purse. Quimby mesmerised him again ; and this time 
he prescribed a cheaper remedy which served the purpose 
quite as well. After a few experiences of this kind, Quimby 
concluded that Burkmar's prescriptions did not produce the 
cures, but that the patients cured themselves. Burkmar's only 
service was that he implanted in the sick man's mind an un 
shakable faith that he would get well. Any other person, or 


any drug, Quimby declared, which could put the patient in 
this attitude of mental receptivity and give his own mind a 
chance to work upon the disease, would accomplish the same 
result. He made this discovery the basis of an elaborate and 
original system of mind cure; he dropped mesmerism, dis 
missed Burkmar, and began to work out his theory. He ex 
perimented for several years in Belfast, and, in 1859, opened 
an office in Portland. 

Quimby had the necessary mental and moral qualifications 
for his work. His personality inspired love and confidence, 
and his patients even now affectionately recall his kind-hearted 
ness, his benevolence, and his keen perception. Even his oppo 
nents in the controversy which has raged over his work and that 
of Mrs. Eddy, speak well of him. " On his rare humanity and 
sympathy," says Mrs. Eddy, " one could write a sonnet." 

He was a small man, both in stature and in build, quick, 
sensitive, and nervous in his movements. His large, well- 
formed head stood straight on erect, energetic shoulders. He 
had a high, broad forehead, and silken white hair and beard. 
His eyes, arched with heavy brows, black, deep-set, and pene 
trating, seemed, as one of his patients has written, " to see all 
through the falsities of life and far into the depths and into 
the spirit of things." At times his eyes flashed with good 
nature and wit, for Quimby by no means lacked the jovial 
virtues. If his countenance suggested one quality more than 
another, it was honesty; whatever the public thought of his 
ideas, no one who ever saw him face to face doubted the man's 
absolute sincerity. He demanded the same sympathy which 
he himself gave. He dealt kindly with honest doubters, but 

Courtesy of George A. Quitnby 



would have nothing to do with the scornful. Unless one really 
wished to be cured, he said, his methods had no virtue. On 
one occasion, instead of taking his place beside a certain patient, 
he turned his chair directly around and sat back to back. 
" That's the way you feel toward me," he declared. His offices 
were constantly filled with patients, and his mail was enormous. 
People came to consult him from all over New England and 
the Far West. He treated " absently " thousands who could 
not visit him in person. 

Mrs. Julius A. Dresser, one of his early patients and con 
verts, thus describes her first meeting with Mr. Quimby : 

I found a kindly gentleman who met me with such sympathy and 
gentleness that I immediately felt at ease. He seemed to know at once 
the attitude of mind of those who applied to him for help, and adapted 
himself to them accordingly. His years of study of the human mind, of 
sickness in all its forms, and of the prevailing religious beliefs, gave him 
the ability to see through the opinions, doubts, and fears of those who 
sought his aid, and put him in instant sympathy with their mental 
attitudes. He seemed to know that I had come to him feeling that he was 
a last resort, and with little faith in him and his mode of treatment. 
But, instead of telling me that I was not sick, he sat beside me and 
explained to me what my sickness was, how I got into the condition, and 
the way I could have been taken out of it through the right understanding. 
He seemed to see through the situation from the beginning, and explained 
the cause and effect so clearly that I could see a little of what he meant. 
My case was so serious, however, that he did not at first tell me I could 
be made well. But there was such an effect produced by his explanation, 
that I felt a new hope within me, and began to get well from that day. 

He continued to explain my case from day to day, giving me some 
idea of his theory and its relation to what I had been taught to believe, 
and sometimes sat silently with me for a short time. I did not understand 
much that he said, but I felt the spirit and the life that came with his 
words; and I found myself gaining steadily. Some of these pithy sayings 
of his remained constantly in mind, and were very helpful in preparing 
the way for a better understanding of his thought, such, for instance, as 
his remark that, " Whatever we believe, that we create," or, " Whatever 
opinion we put into a thing, that we take out of it." 


In all the relations of life, Quimby seems to have been loyal 
and upright. Outside of his theory he lived only for his family 
and was the constant playmate of his children. His only inter 
est in his patients was to make them well. He treated all who 
came, whether they could pay or not. For several years 
Quimby kept no accounts and made no definite charges. The 
patients, when they saw fit, sent him such remuneration as they 
wished. Inevitably, he drew his followers largely from the 
poor and the desperately ill. " People," he would say, " send 
for me and the undertaker at the same time; and the one who 
gets there first gets the case." 

Quimby was thoroughly convinced that he had solved the 
riddle of life, and that ultimately the whole world would accept 
his ideas. His subject possessed him. He wearied his family 
almost to desperation with it, and wore out all his friends. He 
discussed it at length with any one who would listen. To put 
it in writing, to teach it, to transmit it to posterity, that 
was his consuming idea. His only fear was lest he should 
die before the " Truth " had made a lasting impress. He 
wrote about it in the newspapers, not, however, as extensively 
as he desired, for the editors seldom printed his articles, re 
garding them as the veriest rubbish. He selected, here and 
there, especially appreciative and intelligent patients, discussed 
his doctrine with them exhaustively, and enjoined them to teach 
unbelievers. His following was not wholly among the ignorant 
and humble. Edwin Reed, ex-mayor of Bath, Me., declares 
that Quimby cured him of total blindness. He visited him as 
a young graduate of Bowdoin, had his sight completely restored, 
spent several months studying the theory, and left with the 


conviction, which he has never lost, that Quimby was a strong 
and original thinker. Julius A. Dresser, whose name figures 
largely in the history of mental healing, early became absorbed 
in Quimby. For several years he was associated with him, 
receiving patients and explaining, as a preliminary to their 
meeting with the doctor, his ideas and methods. In 1863 Dr. 
Warren F. Evans, a Swedenborgian clergyman, visited Quimby 
twice professionally. He became a convert, and, in several 
books well known among students of mental healing, developed 
the Quimby doctrine. " Quimby," he said, " seemed to repro 
duce the wonders of Gospel history." 

About 1859 Quimby began to put his ideas into permanent 
form. George A. Quimby thus describes his father's literary 
methods : 2 

Among his earlier patients in Portland were the Misses Ware, daughters 
of the late Judge Ashur Ware, of the United States Admiralty Court; 
and they became much interested in " the Truth," as he called it. But 
the ideas were so new, and his reasoning was so divergent from the 
popular conceptions, that they found it difficult to follow him or remember 
all he said; and they suggested to him the propriety of putting into writing 
the body of his thoughts. 

From that time he began to write out his ideas, which practice he con 
tinued until his death, the articles now being in the possession of the 
writer of this sketch. The original copy he would give to the Misses 
Ware; and it would be read to him by them, and, if he suggested any 
alteration, it would be made, after which it would be copied either by the 
Misses Ware or the writer of this, and then re-read to him, that he 
might see that all was just as he intended it. Not even the most trivial 
word or the construction of a sentence would be changed without con 
sulting him. He was given to repetition; and it was with difficulty that 
he could be induced to have a repeated sentence or phrase stricken out, 
as he would say, "If that idea is a good one, and true, it will do no 
harm to have it in two or three times." He believed in the hammering 
process, and in throwing an idea or truth at the reader till it would be 
firmly fixed in his mind. 

3 Article in the New England Magazine, March, 1888, 


In six years Quimby produced ten volumes of manuscripts. 
In them he discussed a variety of subjects, all from the stand 
point of his theory. He wrote copiously on Religion, Disease, 
Spiritualism, " Scientific Interpretations of Various Parts of the 
Scriptures," Clairvoyance, " The Process of Sickness," " Re 
lation of God to Man," Music, Science, Error, Truth, Happi 
ness, Wisdom, " The Other World," " Curing the Sick," and 
dozens of other topics. He gave all his patients access to 
these manuscripts, and permitted all who wished to make copies, 
overjoyed whenever he found one interested enough to do this. 
He also encouraged his followers to write, themselves, frequently 
correcting their essays and bringing them into harmony with 
his own ideas. Quimby's writings, as a whole, have never been 
published ; but the present writer has had free and continuous 
use of them. 

From these manuscripts can be deduced a complete and de 
tailed philosophy of life and disease. They refute the asser 
tion sometimes made, that Quimby was a spiritualist, or that 
he made the slightest claim to divine revelation. Certain ad 
mirers sometimes compared him with Christ ; but he himself 
wrote a long dissertation called A Defence Against Making 
Myself Equal with Christ. He usually calls his discovery the 
" Science of Health," and " The Science of Health and Happi 
ness " ; once or twice he describes it as " Christian Science." 
Scores of times he refers to it as the " Science of Christ." He 
also repeatedly calls it "The Principle," "The Truth," and 
" Wisdom." 

Though he never identified his doctrine with religion, and 
never dreamed of founding an ecclesiastical organisation upon 


it, his impulse at the bottom was religious. He believed that 
Christ's mission was largely to the sick; that He and His 
apostles performed cures in a natural manner ; and that he had 
himself rediscovered their method. Jesus Christ, indeed, was 
Quimby's great inspiration. He distinguished, however, be 
tween the Principle Christ and the Man Jesus. This duality, 
he said, manifested itself likewise in man. 

In every individual, according to Quimby, there were two 
persons. The first was the Truth, Goodness, and Wisdom into 
which he had been naturally born. In this condition he was 
the child of God, the embodiment of Divine Love and Divine 
Principle. This man had no flesh, no bones, and no blood; 
he did not breathe, eat, or sleep. He could never sin, never 
become sick, never die. He knew nothing of matter, or of 
the physical senses ; he was simply Spirit, Wisdom, Principle, 
Truth, Mind, Science. Quimby, above all, loved to call him 
the " Scientific Man." This first person was, so to speak, en 
crusted in another man, formed of matter, sense, and all the 
accumulated " errors " of time. This man had what Quimby 
called " Knowledge " that is, the ideas heaped up by the 
human mind. According to Quimby, this second man held the 
first, or truly Scientific man, in bondage. The bonds consisted 
of false human beliefs. The idea, above all, which held him 
enthralled, was that of Disease. The man of Science knew 
nothing of sickness. The man of Ignorance, however, con 
sciously and unconsciously, had been impregnated for centuries 
with this belief. His whole life, from earliest infancy, was 
encompassed with suggestions of this kind. Parents constantly 
suggest illness to their children ; doctors preach it twenty-four 


hours a day; the clergy, the newspapers, books, ordinary con 
versation, the whole modern world, thought Quimby, had en 
gaged in a huge conspiracy to familiarise the human mind 
with this false concept. This process had been going on for 
thousands of years, until finally unhealthy ideas had triumphed 
over healthy; beliefs had got the upper hand of truth; knowl 
edge had supplanted wisdom ; ignorance had taken the place of 
science; matter had superseded mind; Jesus had dethroned 

Quimby regarded his mission in the world as the reestablish- 
ment of the original and natural harmony. Though his philos 
ophy embraces the whole of life, he used all his energies in 
eradicating one of man's many false " beliefs," or " errors," 
that of Disease. His method was simplicity itself. The med 
ical profession constantly harped on the idea of sickness ; 
Quimby constantly harped on the idea of health. The doctor 
told the patient that disease was inevitable, man's natural in 
heritance ; Quimby told him that disease was merely an " error," 
that it was created, " not by God, but by man," and that health 
was the true and scientific state. " The idea that a beneficent 
God had anything to do with disease," said Quimby, " is super 
stition." " Disease," reads another of his manuscripts, " is 
false reasoning. True scientific wisdom is health and happi 
ness. False reasoning is sickness and death." Again he says: 
" This is my theory : to put man in possession of a science that 
will destroy the ideas of the sick, and teach man one living 
profession of his own identity, with life free from error and 
disease. As man passes through these combinations, they differ 
one from another. . . . He is dying and living all the time to 


error, till he dies the death of all his opinions and beliefs. 
Therefore, to be free from death is to be alive in truth; for 
sin, or error, is death, and science, or wisdom, is eternal life, 
and this is the Christ." " My philosophy," he says at another 
time, " will make man free and independent of all creeds and 
laws of man, and subject him to his own agreement, he being 
free from the laws of sin, sickness, and death." 

Quimby, after dismissing Burkmar in 1845, never used mes 
merism or manipulated his patients. Occasionally, after talk 
ing for a time, he would dip his hands in water and rub the 
patient's head. He always asserted that this was not an 
essential part of the cure. His ideas were so startling, he said, 
that the average mind could not grasp them, but required some 
outward indication to bolster up its faith. The cure itself, 
Quimby always insisted, was purely mental. 3 

8 As far back as 1857, a writer in the Bangor Jeffersonian contradicts the 
statement that Quimby cured mesmerically. " He sits down with his patient," 
the letter says, " and puts himself en rapport with him, which he does with 
out producing the mesmeric sleep. The mind is used to overcome disease. 
. . . There is no danger from disease when the mind is armed against it. 
. . . He dissipates from the mind the idea of disease and induces in its 
place an idea of health. . . . The mind is what it thinks it is and, if it 
contends against the thought of disease and creates for itself an ideal form 
of health, that form impresses itself upon the animal spirit and through that 
upon the body." 





UPON reaching the hotel in Portland where Dr. Quimby had 
his offices, Mrs. Patterson was received by Julius A. Dresser 
and introduced to Dr. Quimby. George A. Quimby, Mrs. Julius 
A. Dresser, and the Hon. Edwin Reed all remember Mrs. Pat 
terson's appearance at this time. She was so feeble that she 
had to be assisted up the stairs and into the waiting-room. She 
had lost the beauty of her earlier years. Her figure was 
emaciated, her face pale and worn, and her eyes were sunken. 
After the fashion of the time, her hair hung about her shoulders 
in loose ringlets, and her shabby dress suggested the hardness 
and poverty of her life. Yet Mrs. Patterson, as she was intro 
duced to other patients sitting about the waiting-room, made 
something of an impression. 

" Mrs. Patterson was presented to Dr. Quimby," says one of 
the patients who was present, " as * the authoress,' and her man 
ner was extremely polite and ingratiating. She wore a poke 
bonnet and an old-fashioned dress, but my impression was that 
her costume was intended to be a little odd, as in keeping with 
her ' literary ' character. She seemed very weak, and we 
thought she was a consumptive." 



Mrs. Patterson almost immediately informed Quimby that 
she was very poor, and asked his assistance in getting an in 
expensive boarding-place. Quimby, by personal intercession, 
obtained a room for her at reduced rates in Chestnut Street. 
According to George A. Quimby, Quimby's son and secretary, 
Mrs. Patterson's first stay in Portland lasted about three weeks. 
As far as her health was concerned the visit seemed a complete 
success. Under Quimby's treatment the spinal trouble dis 
appeared and Mrs. Patterson left his office a well woman. But 
this hardly-achieved visit to Portland meant much more to her 
than that. For the first time in her life she felt an absorbing 
interest. Her contact with Quimby and her inquiry into his 
philosophy seem to have been her first great experience, the 
first powerful stimulus in a life of unrestraint, disappointment, 
and failure. Her girlhood had been a fruitless, hysterical re- 
Volt against order and discipline. The dulness and meagreness 
of her life had driven her to strange extravagances in conduct. 
Neither of her marriages had been happy. Maternity had not 
softened her nor brought her consolations. Up to this time 
her masterful will and great force of personality had served 
to no happy end. Her mind was turned in upon itself; she 
had been absorbed in ills which seem to have been largely the 
result of her own violent nature lacking any adequate outlet, 
and, like disordered machinery, beating itself to pieces. 

Quimby's idea gave her her opportunity, and the vehemence 
with which she seized upon it attests the emptiness and hunger 
of her earlier years. All during her stay in Portland she 
haunted the old man's rooms, asking questions, reading manu 
scripts, observing his treatment of his patients. Quimby at 


first took a decided liking to her. " She's a devilish bright 
woman," he frequently said. Always delighted to explain his 
theories, in Mrs. Patterson he found a most appreciative listener. 
Both on this and subsequent visits he permitted her to copy 
certain of his manuscripts. Undoubtedly he saw in Mrs. Pat 
terson, in her capacity as an " authoress," a woman who could 
assist him in the matter dearest to his heart, the popularisa 
tion of his doctrines. 

Her devotion to her teacher was that of a long-imprisoned 
nature toward its deliverer. Her greatest desire seems to have 
been to teach Quimby's philosophy and to exalt him in the eyes 
of men. Soon after her recovery she wrote the following letter 
to the Portland Courier: * 

When our Shakespeare decided that <; there were more things in this 
world than were dreamed of in your philosophy," I cannot say of a verity 
that he had a foreknowledge of P. P. Quimby. And when the school 
Platonic anatomised the soul and divided it into halves to be reunited 
by elementary attractions, and heathen philosophers averred that old Chaos 
in sullen silence brooded o'er the earth until her inimitable form was 
hatched from the egg of night, I would not at present decide whether 
the fallacy was found in their premises or conclusions, never having 
dated my existence before the flood. When the startled alchemist dis 
covered, as he supposed, an universal solvent, or the philosopher's stone, 
and the more daring Archimedes invented a lever wherewithal to pry up 
the universe, I cannot say that in either the principle obtained in nature 
or in art, or that it worked well, having never tried it. But, when by a 
falling apple, an immutable law was discovered, we gave it the crown of 
science, which is incontrovertible and capable of demonstration; hence that 
was wisdom and truth. When from the evidence of the senses, my reason 
takes cognizance of truth, although it may appear in quite a miraculous 
view, I must acknowledge that as science which is truth uninvestigated. 
Hence the following demonstration: 

Three weeks since I quitted my nurse and sick room en route for 
Portland. The belief of my recovery had died out of the hearts of those 

1 Letter by Mrs. M. M. Patterson (now Mrs. Mary Baker G. Eddy) in the 
Portland Courier, November 7, 1862. 


who were most anxious for it. With this mental and physical depression 
I first visited P. P. Quimby; and in less than one week from that time 
I ascended by a stairway of one hundred and eighty-two steps to the 
dome of the City Hall, and am improving ad infinitum. To the most subtle 
reasoning, such a proof, coupled too, as it is with numberless similar 
ones, demonstrates his power to heal. Now for a brief analysis of this 

Is it spiritualism ? Listen to the words of wisdom. " Believe in God, 
believe also in me; or believe me for the very work's sake." Now, then, 
his works are but the result of superior wisdom, which can demonstrate 
a science not understood; hence it were a doubtful proceeding not to believe 
him for the work's sake. Well, then, he denies that his power to heal 
the sick is borrowed from the spirits of this or another world; and let 
us take the Scriptures for proof. " A kingdom divided against itself 
cannot stand." How, then, can he receive the friendly aid of the dis 
enthralled spirit, while he rejects the faith of the solemn mystic who 
crosses the threshold of the dark unknown to conjure up from the vasty 
deep the awestruck spirit of some invisible squaw? 

Again, is it by animal magnetism that he heals the sick? Let us 
examine. I have employed electro-magnetism and animal magnetism, and 
for a brief interval have felt relief, from the equilibrium which I fancied 
was restored to an exhausted system or by a diffusion of concentrated 
action. But in no instance did I get rid of a return of all my ailments, 
because I had not been helped out of the error in which opinions involved 
us. My operator believed in disease, independent of the mind; hence 
I could not be wiser than my master. But now I can see dimly at first, 
and only as trees walking, the great principle which underlies Dr. Quimby's 
faith and works; and just in proportion to my right perception of truth 
is my recovery. This truth which he opposes to the error of giving in 
telligence to matter and placing pain where it never placed itself, if 
received understandingly, changes the currents of the system to their 
normal action; and the mechanism of the body goes on undisturbed. That 
this is a science capable of demonstration, becomes clear to the minds of 
those patients who reason upon the process of their cure. The truth which 
he establishes in the patient cures him (although he may be wholly un 
conscious thereof) ; and the body, which is full of light, is no longer in 
disease. At present I am too much in error to elucidate the truth, and 
can touch only the keynote for the master hand to wake the harmony. 
May it be in essays, instead of notes ! say I. After all, this is a very 
spiritual doctrine; but the eternal years of God are with it, and it 
must stand firm as the rock of ages. And to many a poor sufferer 
may it be found, as by me, " the shadow of a great rock in a weary 


Her extravagance brought general ridicule upon Quimby 
and herself. " P. P. Quimby compared to Jesus Christ ? " ex 
claimed the Portland Advertiser, in commenting on her letter, 
" What next? " Mrs. Patterson again took up the cudgels. 
She wrote in the Portland Courier: 

Noticing a paragraph in the Advertiser, commenting upon some sen 
tences of mine clipped from the Courier, relative to the science of P. P. 
Quimby, concluding, "What next?" we would reply in due deference 
to the courtesy with which they define their position. P. P. Quimby stands 
upon the plane of wisdom with his truth. Christ healed the sick, but 
not by jugglery or with drugs. As the former speaks as never man 
before spake, and heals as never man healed since Christ, is he not 
identified with truth? And is not this the Christ which is in him? We 
know that in wisdom is life, " and the life was the light of man." P. P. 
Quimby rolls away the stone from the sepulchre of error, and health 
is the resurrection. But we also know that " light shineth in darkness and 
the darkness comprehendeth it not." 

Mrs. Patterson expressed her admiration of Quimby in verse 


Suggested by Reading the Remarkable Cure of 
Captain J. W. Deering 


'Mid light of science sits the sage profound, 
Awing with classics and his starry lore, 
Climbing to Venus, chasing Saturn round, 
Turning his mystic pages o'er and o'er, 
Till, from empyrean space, his wearied sight 
Turns to the oasis on which to gaze, 
More bright than glitters on the brow of night 
The self-taught man walking in wisdom's ways. 
Then paused the captive gaze with peace entwined, 
And sight was satisfied with thee to dwell; 
But not in classics could the book-worm find 
That law of excellence whence came the spell 
Potent o'er all, the captive to unbind, 
To heal the sick and faint, the halt and blind. 
For the Courier. MARY M ' PATTERSON. 


Mrs. Patterson returned in good health, as she thought, to 
Sanbornton Bridge. Quimby became the great possession of 
her life. She talked incessantly of him to all her friends, and 
sought to persuade the sick to visit him. In 1863 she wrote 
many times to Quimby. Her letters, now in the possession of 
George A. Quimby, describe, in the most reverential terms, her 

The following extracts illustrate the tone of these communi 
cations : 

SANBORNTON BRIDGE, January 12, 1863. 

. . . I am to all who see me a living wonder, and a living monument 
of your power. ... I eat, drink, and am merry, have no laws to 
fetter my spirit. Am as much an escaped prisoner, as my dear husband 
was. . . . My explanation of your curative principle surprises people, 
especially those whose minds are all matter. ... I mean not again 
to look mournfully into the past, but wisely to improve the present. 

In a letter dated Sanbornton Bridge, January 31, 1863, she 
asks for " absent treatment." " Please come to me and remove 
this pain." In this letter she says that her sister, Mrs. Tilton, 
and her son, Albert Tilton, are going to visit Mr. Quimby. 
She says that Albert smokes and drinks to excess, and begs 
Quimby to treat him for these habits, " even when Albert is not 
there." She explains that she herself has treated Albert to 
help him overcome the habit of smoking and, while doing so, 
felt " a constant desire to smoke ! " She asks Quimby to treat 
her for this desire. In other letters Mrs. Patterson repeatedly 
asks for absent treatments, and occasionally incloses a dollar 
to pay for them. 

In a letter from Saco, Me., September 14, 1863, Mrs. Patter 
son says that Quimby 's "Angel Visits" (absent treatments) 
are helping her, " I would like to have you in your omni- 


presence visit me at eight o'clock this evening." On this occa 
sion she specifies that she wishes to be treated for " small be 
liefs," namely, " stomach trouble, backache, and constipation." 

In the early part of 1864, Mrs. Patterson again spent two 
or three months in Portland. She found congenial companions 
in one Mrs. Sarah Crosby, who was likewise a patient of 
Quimby's, and Miss Anna Mary Jarvis, who had brought her 
consumptive sister to Quimby for treatment. ' Mrs. Crosby and 
Mrs. Patterson became warm friends. They occupied adjoin 
ing rooms in the same boarding-house and spent much time 
together. Mrs. Patterson told Mrs. Crosby that she intended 
to assist Quimby in his work. The latter, says Mrs. Crosby, 
frequently expressed his pleasure at Mrs. Patterson's enthu 
siasm. " He told me many times," she adds, " that I was not 
so quick to perceive the Truth as Mrs. Patterson." Quimby 
now gave Mrs. Patterson much of his time. He was practising 
then mainly in the morning, and allowed Mrs. Patterson to 
spend nearly every afternoon at his office. " She would work 
with Dr. Quimby all afternoon," says Mrs. Crosby, " and then 
she would come home and sit up late at night writing down 
what she had learned during the day." 

This second visit to Quimby seems to have been even more 
stimulating to Mrs. Patterson than the first. She gave all her 
time and strength to the study of this esoteric theory. It was 
during this visit that she first manifested a desire to become 
herself an active force in the teaching and practising of this 
" Science." The desire became actually a purpose, perhaps an 
ambition the only definite one she had ever known. She was 
groping for a vocation. She must even then have seen before 


Tintype by Prebie 

From a tintype given to Mrs. Sarah G. Crosby in 1864. Mrs. Eddy was then 

Mrs. Patterson 


her new possibilities ; an opportunity for personal growth and 
personal achievement very different from the petty occupations 
of her old life. In one of her letters to Quimby, written some 
months after she left Portland, there is this new note of aspira 
tion and resolve: 

Who is wise but you? . . . Doctor, I have a strong feeling of late 
that I ought to be perfect after the command of science. ... I can 
love only a good, honourable, and brave career; no other can suit me. 

Upon leaving Portland, after this second visit, Mrs. Patter 
son went to Warren, Me., to visit Miss Jarvis. Here she 
seems to have tried Quimby's treatment upon Miss Jarvis, 
putting into practice what she had learned from Quimby him 
self during the last three months. " At the mere mention of 
my going," writes Mrs. Patterson, " Miss Jarvis has a relapse 
and is in despair." 

She confidently believes that she has benefited the sick woman. 
Once, after receiving an " absent treatment " from Quimby, 
she successfully transmitted its blessings to Miss Jarvis. She 
became so " cheerful and uplifted " that Miss Jarvis " was gay 
and not at all sad." She also writes that she has been asked 
to take outside cases at Warren, but that she feels herself not 
yet ready, being still in her " pupilage." 

In a letter from Warren, March 31, 1864, she says: 

I wish you would come to my aid and help me to sleep. Dear Doctor 
what could I do without you? 

In a letter dated Warren, April 5, 1864: 

. I met the former editor of the Banner of Light, and he heard for once 
the truth about you. He thought you a defunct Spiritualist, before I 
quitted him at Brunswick, he had endorsed your science and acknowledged 
himself as greatly interested in it. 


In another letter from Warren, under date of April 24, 
1864, she says: 

Jesus taught as man does not, who then is wise but you? Posted at the 
public marts of this city is this notice, Mrs. M. M. Patterson will lecture 
at the Town Hall on P. P. Quimby's Spiritual Science healing disease, 
as opposed to Deism or Rochester Rapping Spiritualism. 

In a letter dated Warren, May, 1864, she writes that she 
has been ill, but, 

I am up and about to-day, i.e., by the help of the Lord (Quimby). 


Dear doctor, what could I do without you? ... I will not bow to 
wealth for I cannot honour it as I do wisdom. . . . May the peace 
of wisdom which passeth all understanding be and abide with you. Ever 
the same in gratitude. 

In one letter she describes the sudden appearance of Quimby's 
wraith in her room. She spoke to it, she adds, " and then you 
turned and walked away." " That," she says, " I call dodging 
the issue." She repeatedly calls his treatment his " Science " ; 
her illnesses, her " beliefs " or " errors " ; and her recoveries, 
her " restorations." 

In May, 1864, Mrs. Patterson left Miss Jarvis and went 
to visit another friend, her fellow-patient, Mrs. Sarah G. 
Crosby, at Albion, Me. Mrs. Crosby, 2 who is now living at 
Waterville, Me., gives an interesting account of .this visit, which 
lasted several months. Mrs. Patterson, she says, although in 
a state of almost absolute destitution, retained the air of a 

2 Mrs. Crosby is well and creditably known in Maine. When she was a 
woman of forty and the mother of five children, financial reverses came to 
her family. She learned stenography at night without a teacher and became 
a court stenographer at a time when it was most unusual for a woman to 
hold such a position. For fifteen years she was stenographer in the highest 
courts of Maine, during which time she paid off her husband's debts, and 
reared and educated her children. 


grand lady which had so characterised her in her youth. 
Although visiting at a farmhouse where every one had a part 
in the household duties, Mrs. Patterson was always the guest 
of honour, nor did it occur to any one to suggest her sharing 
the daily routine. Mrs. Crosby's servants waited upon the 
guest, and even her room was cared for by others. Mrs. Patter 
son talked incessantly of Quimby, and often urged Mrs. Crosby 
to leave her home and go out into the world with her to teach 
Quimby's " Science." Mrs. Crosby admits that she was com 
pletely under Mrs. Patterson's spell, and says that even after 
years of estrangement and complete disillusionment, she still 
feels that Mrs. Patterson was the most stimulating and in 
vigorating influence she has ever known. Like all of Mrs. 
Eddy's old intimates, she speaks of their days of companionship 
with a certain shade of regret as if life in the society of this 
woman was more intense and keen than it ever was afterward. 

Mrs. Crosby says that, during this visit, both she and Mrs. 
Patterson became somewhat interested in spiritualism through 
communications from Mrs. Patterson's dead brother. Mrs. 
Crosby is authority for the following account : 3 

Mr. Crosby's farm was rather isolated, and the two women 
found relief from the tedium of country life in spirit communi 
cations from Mrs. Patterson's dead brother, Albert Baker. 
Mrs. Patterson had been much attached to this brother, and 
described his talents and personality at great length to Mrs. 
Crosby, making such an attractive picture that he became a 
very real person to the young woman. Albert, Mrs. Patterson 

3 This account is a condensed version of Mrs. Crosby's affidavit, which takes 
up the Wstory of he entire acquaintance .with Mrs Eddy, beginning when 
Bho was a patient at Quimby's in 1864. This document is now in the writer s 


told her, was Mrs. Crosby's guardian spirit; he had long been 
trying to communicate with he*r, but had never been able to 
do so until his sister came to visit her, as Mary was his " only 
earthly medium." Mrs. Crosby says that she implicitly be 
lieved in Albert's care and guardianship over her, that she 
derived constant strength and comfort from it, and that this 
spirit friendship was one of the most real she has ever known. 

Albert's first communication to Mrs. Crosby occurred as 
follows : 4 

One day Mrs. Patterson and Mrs. Crosby sat together at 
opposite sides of the same table. Suddenly Mrs. Patterson 
leaned backward, shivered, closed her eyes, and began to talk 
in a sepulchral, mannish voice. The voice said that " he " 
was Albert Baker, Mrs. Patterson's brother. " He " had been 
trying, the voice continued, to get control of Mrs. Patterson 
for many days. " He " wished to warn Mrs. Crosby against 
putting such entire confidence in Mrs. Patterson. " He in 
formed me," Mrs. Crosby continues, " through her own lips, 
that while his sister loved me as much as she was capable of 
loving any one, life had been a severe experiment with her, and 
she might use my sacred confidence to further any ambitious 
purposes of her own." . 

Mrs. Crosby was naturally amazed at this injunction. That 

4 Mrs. Crosby does not assert or even imply that Mrs. Eddy was ever, in 
any regular or professional sense, a " medium." Mrs. Eddy herself states that 
she has been able to perform the signs and wonders of spiritualism, though 
explaining them by another cause. In the second edition of Science and 
Health, 1878, page 166, she says : " We are aware that the Spiritualists claim 
whomsoever they would catch and regard even Christ as an elder brother. 
But we never were a Spiritualist ; and never were, and never could be. and 
never admitted we were a medium. We have explained to the class calling 
themselves Spiritualists how their signs and wonders were wrought, and have 
illustrated by doing them ; but at the same time have said, This is not the 
work of spirits and I am not a medium ; and they have passed from our 
presence and said, behold the proof that she is a medium ! 

l-acsimile of the second sheet of the first "spirit" letter from Albert Baker, 
Mrs. Eddv's brother, to Mrs. Sarah Crosby 


Albert should select his own sister as the medium through which 
to warn Mrs. Crosby against her, seemed remarkable. Again, 
if Mrs. Patterson consciously shammed, Mrs. Crosby could not 
understand why she should deliver a message so uncompli 
mentary to herself unless, indeed, to make the message seem 
more genuine. Several times, in the course of this visit, Mrs. 
Patterson went into trances. In one of these, Albert Baker's 
spirit told Mrs. Crosby that if, from time to time, she would 
look under the cushion of a particular chair, she would find 
important written communications from him. Mrs. Crosby, 
following the injunction, discovered now and then a letter. 
One of these is interesting chiefly as containing Albert Baker's 
spiritistic endorsement of P. P. Quimby. The text is as follows : 

Sarah dear Be ye calm in reliance on self, amid all the changes of 
natural yearnings, of too keen a sense of earth joys, of too -great a 
struggle between the material and spiritual. Be calm or you will rend 
your mortal and your experience which is needed for your spiritual 
progress lost, till taken up without the proper sphere and your spirit 
trials more severe. 

This is why all things are working for good to those who suffer and 
they must look not upon the things which are seen but upon those which 
do not appear. P. Quimby of Portland has the spiritual truth of diseases. 
You must imbibe it to be healed. Go to him again and lean on no 
material or spiritual medium. In that path of truth I first found you. 
Dear one, I am at present no aid to you although you think I am, but your 
spirit will not at present bear this quickening or twill leave the body; 
hence I leave you till you ripen into a condition to meet me. You will 
miss me at first, but afterwards grow more tranquil because of it, which 
is important that you may live for yourself and children. Love and 
care for poor sister a great suffering lies before her. 

After leaving Albion, Mrs. Patterson continued to receive 
messages from Albert. On one occasion Mrs. Patterson sent 
Mrs. Crosby the following communication from her brother: 


Child of earth! heir to immortality! love hath made intercession with 
wisdom for you your request is answered. 

Let not the letter leave your hand nor destroy it. 

Love each other, your spirits are affined. My dear Sarah is innocent, 
and will rejoice for every tear. 

The gates of paradise are opening at the tread of time; glory and the 
crown shall shall be the diadem of your earthly pilgrimage if you patiently 
persevere in virtue, justice, and love. You twain are my care. I speak 
through no other earthly medium but you. 

Mr. Quimby died January 16, 1866. As in the case of many 
mental healers, his own experience apparently belied his doc 
trines. He had for years suffered from an abdominal tumour. 
He had never had it treated medically, but asserted that he 
had always been able, mentally, to prevent it from getting the 
upper hand. The last few years of his life he worked inces 
santly. His practice increased enormously, and at last broke 
him down. In the summer of 1865 he was compelled to stop 
work. He closed his Portland office and went home to Belfast 
to devote the rest of his life to revising his manuscripts and 
preparing them for publication. His physical condition, how 
ever, prevented this; he became feebler every day. He now 
acknowledged his inability to cure himself. As long as he had 
his usual mental strength, he said, he could stop the disease; 
but, as he felt this slipping from him, his " error " rapidly made 
inroads. Finally, Quimby's wife, with his acquiescence, sum 
moned a homoeopathic physician. Quimby consented to this, 
he said, not because he had the slightest idea that the doctor 
could help him, but merely to comfort his family. His wife 
had never accepted the " theory " ; his children, for the most 
part, had no enthusiasm for it. They all, however, loved the 
old man dearly and could not patiently witness his suffering 


without seeking all means to allay it. Quimby followed im 
plicitly all the doctor's instructions. His son, George A. 
Quimby, says : 5 

An hour before he breathed his last, he said to the writer: "I am more 
than ever convinced of the truth of my theory. I am perfectly willing 
for the change myself, but I know you will all feel badly; but / know 
that I shall be right here with you, just the same as I have always been. 
I do not dread the change any more than if I were going on a trip to 

His death occurred January 16, 1866, at his residence in Belfast, at the 
age of sixty-four years, and was the result of too close application to his 
profession and of overwork. A more fitting epitaph could not be accorded 
him than in these words: 

" Greater love hath no man than this, that a man lay down his life for 
his friends." For, if ever a man did lay down his life for others, that 
man was Phineas Parkhurst Quimby. 

Many mourned Quimby's death. No one felt greater grief 
or expressed it more emphatically and sincerely than Mary M. 
Patterson. She wrote at once to Julius Dresser, asking him 
to take up the master's work. Her letter follows: 

MR. DRESSER: LYNX, February 14, 1866. 

Sir: I enclose some lines of mine in memory of our much-loved friend, 
which perhaps you will not think overwrought in meaning: others must 
of course. 

I am constantly wishing that you would step forward into the place he 
has vacated. I believe you would do a vast amount of good, and are 
more capable of occupying his place than any other I know of. 

Two weeks ago I fell on the sidewalk, and struck my back on the ice, 
and was taken up for dead, came to consciousness amid a storm of vapours 
from cologne, chloroform, ether, camphor, etc., but to find myself the 
helpless cripple I was before I saw Dr. Quimby. 

The physician attending said I had taken the last step I ever should, 
but in two days I got out of my bed alone and will walk; but yet I 
confess I am frightened, and out of that nervous heat my friends are 
forming, spite of me, the terrible spinal affection from which I have 
suffered so long and hopelessly. . . . Now can't yov help me? I 

e New England Magazine, March, 1888. 


believe you can. I write this with this feeling: I think that I could help 
another in my condition if they had not placed their intelligence in matter. 
This I have not done, and yet I am slowly failing. Won't you write me 
if you will undertake for me if I can get to you? 

Respectfully, MARY M. PATTERSON. 

The verses referred to had already been published in a Lynn 

Lines on the Death of Dr. P. P. Quimby," Who Healed with the Truth 
that Christ Taught in Contradistinction to All Isms. 

Did sackcloth clothe the sun and day grow night, 
All matter mourn the hour with dewy eyes, 

When Truth, receding from our mortal sight, 
Had paid to error her last sacrifice? 

Can we forget the power that gave us life? 

Shall we forget the wisdom of its way? 
Then ask me not amid this mortal strife 

This keenest pang of animated clay 

To mourn him less; to mourn him more were just 

If to his memory 'twere a tribute given 
For every solemn, sacred, earnest trust 

Delivered to us ere he rose to heaven. 

Heaven but the happiness of that calm soul, 

Growing in stature to the throne of God; 
Rest should reward him who hath made us whole, 
Seeking, though tremblers, where his footsteps trod. 

Lynn, January 22, 1866. 

6 In a copy of these verses sent to Mrs. Sarah G. Crosby the title is worded 
somewhat differently and several slight variations occur in the text. 





NINE years after the death of Phineas P. Quimby, Mrs. Eddy 
published a book entitled Science and Health, in which she 
developed a system of curing disease by the mind. In this 
work she mentions Quimby only incidentally, and acknowledges 
no indebtedness to him for the idea upon which her system is 
based. Upon this foundation Mrs. Eddy has since established 
the Christian Science Church, the sect which regards her as 
the real discoverer and only accredited teacher of metaphysical 
healing. Quimby himself, though he founded no religious or 
ganisation, to-day has thousands of followers ; the several schools 
of Mental Scientists are convinced that he was the discoverer 
and founder of mental healing in this country. Mrs. Eddy's 
partisans maintain that she received her inspiration from God, 
while Quimby's adherents maintain that she obtained her ideas 
very largely from Quimby. Interrupting, for the present, the 
narrative of Mrs. Eddy's life, this chapter will attempt to 
present the arguments of both sides in this controversy. 

Quimby's followers do not assert that Quimby wrote Science 
and Health, or that he is the responsible author of all the 

ideas now formulated in the Christian Science creed. In brief, 



their position is this: that Mrs. Eddy obtained the radical 
principle of her Science, the cure of disease by the power of 
Divine mind, from Quimby ; that she left Portland with manu 
scripts which formed the basis of her book, Science and Health; 
that she publicly figured for several years after Quimby's death 
as the teacher and practitioner of his system; that she had, 
herself, before 1875, repeatedly acknowledged her obligations 
to him; and that since the publication of the first edition of 
Science and Health, in her determined efforts to disprove this 
obligation, she has not hesitated to bring discredit upon her 
former teacher. They do not maintain that Quimby is, in any 
sense, the founder of the present Christian Science organisa 
tion ; they do declare, however, that had Mrs. Eddy never visited 
Quimby, never listened to his ideas or studied his writings, 
such an organisation would probably not now exist. On the 
other hand, Christian Scientists repudiate any suggestion that 
Mrs. Eddy, or their ecclesiastical establishment, is in the slight 
est degree indebted to the Portland healer. 

Christian Scientists believe that Mrs. Eddy received the truths 
of Christian Science as a direct revelation from God. She came 
to fulfil and to complete the mission of Jesus Christ. Jesus, 
that is, possessed only partial wisdom. " Our Master healed 
the sick," she writes in Science and Health, (l . . . and taught 
the generalities of its divine Principle to his students ; but 
he left no definite rule for demonstrating his Principle of healing 
and preventing disease. This remained to be discovered through 
Christian Science." " Jesus' wisdom ofttimes was shown by 
His forbearing to speak," she writes, " as well as by His speak- 

1 Science and Health (1898), p. 41. 


ing, the whole truth. . . . Had wisdom characterised all His 2 
sayings, He would not have prophesied His own death and 
thereby hastened it or caused it." 3 In other words, Jesus, 
by foretelling His crucifixion, created that thought, and the 
thought ultimately hastened His death. In a letter written 
about 1877, Mrs. Eddy again suggests that her mission com 
pletes that of the New Testament : 

LYNN, March llth. 

I did not write the day your letter came, a belief was clouding the 
sunshine of Truth and it is not fair weather yet. But Harry, be of 
good cheer " behind the clouds the sun is still shining." / know the 
crucifixion of the one who presents Truth in its higher aspect will be this 
time through a bigger error, through mortal mind instead of its lower 
strata or matter, showing that the idea given of God this time is higher, 
clearer, and more permanent than before. 4 My dear companion and fellow- 
labourer in the Lord 5 is grappling stronger than did Peter with the 
enemy, he would cut off their hands and " ears " ; you dear student, are 
doubtless praying for me and so the Modern Law giver is upheld for a 
time. I shall go to work for the book as soon as I can think clearly for 
agony, or outside of the belief. 

May the All Love hold and help you ever, 

Your Teacher 

M B GE. 

In Retrospection and Introspection, Mrs. Eddy writes : 

No person can take the individual place of the Virgin Mary. No person 
can compass or fulfil the individual mission of Jesus of Nazareth. No 
person can take the place of the author of Science and Health, the dis- 

2 Both this and other quotations in this article have heen modified in later 
editions of Mrs. Eddy's hooks. The phrase above now stands : " This wisdom, 
which characterised his sayings did not prophesy his death and thereby hasten 
or permit it." The author thinks it hardly necessary, in what follows, to 
Indicate the various readings of the same quotation, but will content herself 
with naming the particular editions in which the phrases, as quoted, appear. 
When no edition is mentioned, the latest edition is to be understood. 

3 Miscellaneous Writings (1897), pp. 83 and 84. 
The italics are not Mrs. Eddy's. 

6 This is apparently a reference to Asa G. Eddy, her husband. 


coverer and founder of Christian Science. Each individual must fill his 
own niche in time and eternity. 

The second appearing of Jesus is unquestionably, the spiritual advent 
of the advancing idea of God as in Christian Science. 6 

Mrs. Eddy believes that Christian Science is foretold in the 
Book of Revelation. In Science and Health she writes : 

John the Baptist prophesied the coming of the Immaculate Jesus and 
declared that this spiritual idea was the Messiah who would baptise with 
the Holy Ghost Divine Science. The son of the Blessed represents the 
fatherhood of God; and the Revelator completes this figure with the 
Woman, or type of God's motherhood. 7 


Saint John writes, in the tenth chapter of his Book of Revelation: 
" And I saw another mighty angel come down from Heaven, clothed with a 
cloud; and a rainbow was upon his head, and his face was as it were the 
sun, and his feet as pillars of fire. And he had in his hand a little book 
open; and he set his right foot upon the sea, and his left foot upon the 
earth." Is this angel, or message from God, Divine Science that comes 
in a cloud? To mortals obscure, abstract, and dark; but a bright promise 
crowns its brow. When understood, it is Truth's prism and praise; when 
you look it fairly in the face, you can heal by its means, and it hath for 
you a light above the sun, for God " is the light thereof." . . . This 
angel had in his hand a " little book," open for all to read and understand. 
Did this same book contain the revelation of Divine Science, whose " right 
foot " or dominant power was upon the sea, upon elementary, latent 
error, the source of all error's visible forms? . . . Then will a voice 
from harmony cry : " Go and take the little book. Take it and eat it up, 
and it shall make thy belly bitter; but it shall be in thy mouth sweet as 
honey." Mortal, obey the heavenly evangel. Take up Divine Science. 
Study it, ponder it. It will be indeed sweet at its first taste, when it heals 
you; but murmur not over Truth, if you find its digestion bitter. . . . 
In the opening of the Sixth Seal, typical of six thousand years since 
Adam, there is one distinctive feature which has special reference to the 
present age. 8 

* Retrospection and Introspection, pp. 95 and 96. 

''Science and Health (1888), p. 513. 

8 The italics in this paragraph are not Mrs. Eddy's. 


Rev. -xii. 1. " And there appeared a great wonder in Heaven, a 
woman clothed with the sun, and the moon under her feet, and upon her 
head a crown of twelve stars." . . . Rev. xii. 5. " And she brought 
forth a man-child, who was to rule all nations with a rod of iron; and 
her child was caught up unto God, and to his Throne." Led on by 
the grossest element of mortal mind, Herod decreed the death of every 
male child, in order that the man Jesus (the masculine representative of the 
spiritual idea) might never hold sway, and so deprive Herod of his 
crown. The impersonation of the spiritual idea had a brief history in 
the earthly life of our Master; but "of his kingdom there shall be no end," 
for Christ, God's idea, will eventually rule all nations and peoples im 
peratively, absolutely, finally with Divine Science. This immaculate idea, 
represented first by man and last by woman, will baptise with fire; and 
the fiery baptism will burn up the chaff of error with the fervent heat 
of Truth and Love, melting and purifying even the gold of human 
character. 9 

The following extracts from Mrs. Eddy's writings indicate 
the magnitude of her claims, and her conception of her own 
exalted mission: 

She says in Science and Health: 

In the year 1866, I discovered the Science of Metaphysical Healing, 
and named it Christian Science. God had been graciously fitting me, during 
many years, for the reception of a final revelation of the absolute Principle 
of Scientific Mind-healing. . . . No human pen or tongue taught me 
the Science contained in this book . . . and neither tongue nor pen 
can ever overthrow it. 10 

Science and Health, Mrs. Eddy says, continues the teach 
ings of St. Paul. 

On our subject, St. Paul first reasons upon the basis of what is seen, 
the effects of Truth on the material senses; thence, up to the Unseen, the 
testimony of spiritual sense; and right there he leaves the subject. 

Just there, in the intermediate line of thought, is where the present 
writer found it, when she discovered Christian Science. And she has not 
left it, but continues the explanation of the power of Spirit up to its 
infinite meaning, its Allness. 11 

Science and Health (1898), pp. 550, 551, 552, and 557. 

10 Science and Health (1898), pp. 1 and 4. 

11 Miscellaneous Writings (1897), p. 188. 


Mrs. Eddy's followers believe that her discovery, in a manner, 
has repeated the day of Pentecost and the coming of the Holy 
Ghost to man. She says : 

This understanding is what is meant by the descent of the Holy Ghost, 
that influx of divine Science which so illuminated the Pentecostal Day, 
and is now repeating its ancient history. . . . 

In the words of St. John: "He shall give you another Comforter, that 
he may abide with you forever." This Comforter I understand to be 
Divine Science." 

In Miscellaneous Writings, Mrs. Eddy further says of her 
Science and her ministry: 

Above the fogs of sense and storms of passion, Christian Science and 
its Art will rise triumphant; ignorance, envy, and hatred earth's harm 
less thunder pluck not their heaven-born wings. Angels, with overtures, 
hold charge over both, and announce their principle and idea. . . . 

No works similar to mine on Christian Science existed, prior to my 
discovery of this Science. Before the publication of my first work on this 
subject, a few manuscripts of mine were in circulation. The discovery 
and founding of Christian Science has cost more than thirty years of 
unremitting toil and unrest; but, comparing those with the joy of knowing 
that the sinner and the sick are helped upward, that time and eternity 
bear witness to this gift of God to the race, I am the debtor. 

In 1895, I ordained the BIBLE, and SCIENCE AND HEALTH WITH KEY TO 
THE SCRIPTURES, the Christian Science Text-book, as the Pastor, on this 
planet, of all the churches of the Christian Science Denomination. This 
ordinance took effect the same year, and met with the universal approval 
and support of Christian Scientists. Whenever and wherever a church of 
Christian Science is established, its Pastor is the Bible and My Book. 

In 1896, it goes without saying, preeminent over ignorance or envy, 
that Christian Science is founded by its discoverer, and built upon the 
Rock of Christ. The elements of earth beat in vain against the immortal 
parapets of this Science. Erect and eternal, it will go on with the ages, 
go down the dim posterns of time unharmed, and on every battlefield 
rise higher in the estimation of thinkers, and in the hearts of Christians. 1 * 

To Christian Scientists, therefore, Mrs. Eddy's discovery 
or revelation was a great turning-point in the history of the 

12 Science and Health (1906). pp. 43 and 55. 

13 Miscellaneous Writings (1897), pp. 374, 382, and 383. 


human race, and the manner in which it came about is of the 
highest importance. 

It is difficult to ascertain definitely just when Mrs. Eddy 
arrived at the conclusion that mortal mind, not matter, causes 
sin, sickness, and death, as her own recollection of her initial 
revelation seems to be somewhat blurred. " As long ago as 
1844," she writes in the Christian Science Journal, in June, 
1887, " I was convinced that mortal mind produced all disease, 
and that the various medical systems were, in no proper sense, 
scientific. In 1862, when I first visited Mr. Quimby, I was 
proclaiming to druggists, Spiritualists, and mesmerists that 
science must govern all healing." 

To her discovery of the principle of mental healing, she has 
assigned no less than three different dates : 

In a letter to the Boston Post, March 7, 1883, she says: 

We made our first experiments in mental healing about 1853, when we 
were convinced that mind had a science, which, if understood, would heal 
all disease. 

Again, in the first edition of Science and Health (1875), she 

We made our first discovery that science mentally applied would heal 
the sick, in 1864, and since then have tested it on ourselves and hundreds 
of others and never found it fail to prove the statement herein made of it. 

In Retrospection and Introspection, she says: 

It was in Massachusetts, in February, 1866, . . . that I discovered the 
Science of Divine Metaphysical Healing, which I afterwards named Chris 
tian Science. 14 

In later editions of Science and Health, and in numerous 
other places, Mrs. Eddy definitely fixes 1866 as the year of her 

"Retrospection and Introspection, p. 38. 


discovery. This is now the generally accepted date. Her 
enemies have naturally made much of the seeming inconsistency 
of these statements. To disprove her claim that she had a 
knowledge of mind healing as far back as 1844 or 1853, they 
quote Mrs. Eddy's own words in the Christian Science Journal 
of June, 1887. She there says that before her visit to Quimby 
in 1862, " I knew nothing of the Science of Mind-healing. . . . 
Mind Science was unknown to me." 

It is scarcely necessary to remark that each of these dates 
might be intrinsically correct, as each might mark an important 
advance in Mrs. Eddy's mastery of her science. It would be 
extremely difficult for any discoverer to date exactly the in 
ception of an idea which eventually absorbed him completely. 
Doubtless these seeming inaccuracies on Mrs. Eddy's part would 
have been passed over as due to mere inexactness of expression, 
had not each date been given to meet some specific charge as 
to her indebtedness to Quimby and given, as it would seem, 
mainly for the purpose of extricating herself from the difficulty 
of the moment. 

As shown above, in the first edition of Science and Health 
(1875), she said that it was in 1864 that she first discovered 
that " science mentally applied would heal the sick." 

Eight years after Mrs. Eddy had announced 1864 as the 
correct and authentic date of her discovery, Julius A. Dresser, 15 

"Julius A. Dresser was born in Portland, Me., February 12, 1838. He 
was in college in Waterville, Me., when bis health failed. He had a 
strongly emotional religious nature and intended to become a minister in the 
Calvinistic Baptist Church. When he went to Mr. Quimby in the summer of 
1860, he apparently had only a shcrt time to live. Quimby told him his 
" religion was killing him." Quimby treated him successfully for typhoid 
pneumonia, according to Mr. Dresser's son. Horatio W. Dresser of Cambridge, 
and " gave him the understanding which enabled my father to live thirty-three 
years after his restoration to health." 

Mr. Dresser became an enthusiastic convert to the Quimby faith and for 


in a letter to the Boston Post (February 24, 1883), advanced 
Quimby's claim. It was in a reply to this letter, written March 
7, 1883, published in the same paper, that Mrs. Eddy first 
asserted : " We made our first experiments in mental healing 
about 1853." 

Four years later (February 6, 1887), Mr. Dresser delivered 
an address upon " The True History of Mental Science," at 
the Church of Divine Unity, in Boston, in which he declared 
that Quimby was the originator of the present science of mental 
healing, and that Mrs. Eddy did not understand disease as a 
state of mind until she was his patient and pupil. This address 
caused such comment and discussion, that four months later 
(June, 1887) Mrs. Eddy answered it through the Christian 
Science Journal by asserting: "As long ago as 1844, I was 
convinced that mortal mind produced all disease. ... In 1862 
. . . I was proclaiming . . . that science must govern all 

some years devoted himself to explaining Quimby's principle of mental healing 
to new patients. In this way he met Miss Annetta G. Seabury, whom he 
married in September, 1863, and Mrs. Eddy, then Mrs. Patterson. 

After his marriage Mr. Dresser took up newspaper work in Portland and In 
1866 moved to Webster, Mass., where he edited and published the Webster 

The death of Quimby was a great shock to Mr. and Mrs. Dresser. It was 
generally expected by Quimby's followers that Mr. Dresser would take up the 
work as Quimby's successor. Mrs. Dresser hesitated to attempt it publicly, 
knowing her own and her husband's sensitiveness, and after consideration they 
decided not to undertake it at that time. " This," says Mr. Horatio W. 
Dresser, " was a fundamentally decisive action, and much stress should be 
placed upon it. For Mrs. Eddy naturally looked to father as the probable 
successor, and when she learned from father that he had no thought of taking 
up the public work, the fleld became free for her. I am convinced that she had 
no desire previous to that time to make any claims for herself. Her letters 
give evidence of this." 

Mr. Dresser's health again weakened from overwork, and after living in the 
West for a time he returned to Massachusetts and besran his public work as 
mental teacher and healer. In Boston Mr. Dresser found that Mrs. Eddy's 
pupils nnd rejected pupils were practising with the sick, and he believed that 
their work was inferior to Quimby's. This gave him confidence to begin. In 
1882 Mr. and Mrs. Dresser began to practise in Boston, and in 1883 they 
were holding class lectures, teaching from the Quimby manuscripts and prac 
tising the Quimby method. 

From this the "facts with regard to Mrs. Eddy and Mr. Quimby spread, and 
this was the beginning of the Quimby controversy. 


The unprejudiced historian finds discrepancies, not only in 
the dates of Mrs. Eddy's discovery, but in her accounts of the 
particular episodes which occasioned it. In the several editions 
of Science and Health, for example, there are two elaborate 
versions. In the early editions Mrs. Eddy associates her dis 
covery with experiments which she made to cure herself of 
dyspepsia; in later editions, as the result of a miraculous re 
covery from a spinal injury received in a fall on the ice in 
Lynn, in 1866. Both these episodes are related in all editions 
of the book. In the early versions, however, the recovery from 
dyspepsia receives the greater emphasis ; while in recent editions 
the fall on the ice assumes the chief importance, with the other 
story forced more and more into the background. 

In the first edition of Science and Health (1875), Mrs. Eddy 
gives the following account of how she was led to see the truth : 

When quite a child, we adopted the Graham system for dyspepsia, ate 
only bread and vegetables, and drank water, following this diet for years; 
we became more dyspeptic, however, and of course thought we must diet 
more rigidly; so we partook of but one meal in twenty-four hours, and 
this consisted of a thin slice of bread, about three inches square, without 
water; our physician not allowing us with this simple meal, to wet our 
parched lips for many hours thereafter; whenever we drank, it produced 
violent retchings. Thus we passed most of our early years, as many 
can attest, in hunger, pain, weakness and starvation. At length we learned 
that while fasting increased the desire for food, it spared none of the 
sufferings occasioned by partaking of it, and what to do next, having 
already exhausted the medicine men, was a question. After years of 
suffering, when we made up our mind to die, our doctors kindly assuring 
us this was our only alternative, our eyes were suddenly opened, and we 
learned suffering is self-imposed, a belief, and not truth. That God 
never made men sick; and all our fasting for penance or health is 
not acceptable to Wisdom because it is not the science in which Soul 
governs sense. Thus Truth, opening our eyes, relieved our stomach, also, 
and enabled us to eat without suffering, giving God thanks; but we never 
afterwards enjoyed food as we expected to, if ever we were a freed slave, 


to eat without a master; for the new-born understanding that food could 
not hurt us, brought with it another point, viz., that it did not help us as 
we had anticipated it would before our changed views on this subject; 
food had less power over us for evil or for good than when we consulted 
matter before spirit and believed in pains or pleasures of personal sense. 
As a natural result we took less thought about " what we should eat or what 
drink," and fasting or feasting, consulted less our stomachs and our 
food, arguing against their claims continually, and in this manner despoiled 
them of their power over us to give pleasure or pain, and recovered 
strength and flesh rapidly, enjoying health and harmony that we never 
before had done. 

The belief that fasting or feasting enables man to grow better, morally or 
physically, is one of the fruits of the " tree of knowledge " against which 
Wisdom warned man, and of which we had partaken in sad experience; be 
lieving for many years we lived only by the strictest adherence to dietetics 
and physiology. During this time we also learned a dyspeptic is very far 
from the image and likeness of God, from having " dominion over the 
fish of the sea, the fowls of the air, or beasts of the field"; therefore 
that God never made one; while the Graham system, hygiene, physiology, 
materia medica, etc., did, and contrary to his commands. Then it was 
that we promised God to spend our coming years for the sick and suffer 
ing; to unmask this error of belief that matter rules man. Our cure 
for dyspepsia was, to learn the science of being, and " eat what was set 
before us, asking no question for conscience' sake; yea to consult matter 
less and God more." 

In the latest editions, Mrs. Eddy relates this incident, but 
does not connect herself with it. " I knew a woman," she 
says, " who, when quite a child, adopted the Graham system 
to cure dyspepsia," giving the incident merely as an illustra 
tion of Christian Science healing. 

At present, Christian Scientists date the dawn of the new era 
from February 1, 1866, on the evening of which day Mrs. 
Eddy fell on the ice. She says in Retrospection and Intro 

It was in Massachusetts, February, 1866, and after the death of the 
magnetic doctor, Mr. P. P. Quimby, whom Spiritualists would associate 
therewith, but who was in no-wise connected with this event, that I dis 
covered the Science of Divine Metaphysical Healing, which I afterwards 


named Christian Science. The discovery came to pass in this way. During 
twenty years prior to my discovery I had been trying to trace all physical 
effects to a mental cause; and in the latter part of 1866 I gained the 
Scientific certainty that all causation was Mind, and every effect a mental 

My immediate recovery from the effects of an injury caused by an 
accident, an injury that neither medicine nor surgery could reach, was 
the falling apple that led me to the discovery how to be well myself, 
and how to make others so. 

Even to the Homeopathic physician who attended me, and rejoiced in 
my recovery, I could not then explain the modus of my relief. I could 
only assure him that the Divine Spirit had wrought the miracle a miracle 
which later I found to be in perfect Scientific accord with divine law. 1 ' 

In a sketch of Mrs. Eddy, published by the Christian Science 
Publishing Society, still a later version is given : 

In company with her husband, she was returning from an errand of 
mercy, when she fell upon the icy curbstone, and was carried helpless 
to her home. The skilled physicians declared that there was absolutely 
no hope for her, and pronounced the verdict that she had but three 
days to live. Finding no hope and no help on earth, she lifted her heart 
to God. On the third day, calling for her Bible, she asked the family to 
leave the room. Her Bible opened to the healing of the palsied man, 
Matt, ix, 2. The truth which set him free, she saw. The power which 
gave him strength, she felt. The life divine, which healed the sick of the 
palsy, restored her, and she rose from the bed of pain, healed and free. 

Several documents can be brought in refutation of this claim. 
Mrs. Eddy's own letter to Julius A. Dresser, after the death 
of Quimby, apparently disproves the miraculous account given 
above. This letter, already quoted in full in the preceding 
chapter, contains the first recorded reference to this accident: 

Two weeks ago I fell on the sidewalk (writes Mrs. Eddy), and struck 
my back on the ice, and was taken up for dead, came to consciousness 
amid a storm of vapours from cologne, chloroform, ether, camphor, etc., 
but to find myself the helpless cripple I was before I saw Dr. Quimby. 

18 Retrospection and Introspection, p. 38. 


The physician attending said I had taken the last step I ever should, 
but in two days I got out of my bed alone and will walk; but yet I 
confess I am frightened, and out of that nervous heat my friends are 
forming, spite of me, the terrible spinal affection from which I have 
suffered so long and hopelessly. . . . Now can't you help me? I believe 
you can. I write this with this feeling: I think that I could help another 
in my condition if they had not placed their intelligence in matter. This 
I have not done, and yet I am slowly failing. Won't you write me if 
you will undertake for me if I can get to you? 

In this letter, although it was written two weeks after the 
mishap in question, Mrs. Eddy makes no reference to a miracu 
lous recovery. In fact, she apparently fears a return of her 
old spinal trouble and asks Mr. Dresser to protect her against 
it by the Quimby method. She adds that, although she has 
not placed her " intelligence in matter," she is " slowly failing." 

In the first edition of Science and Health, Mrs. Eddy refers 
to this recovery, but merely as an interesting demonstration of 
Scientific healing. She also describes it in a letter written in 
1871 to Mr. W. W. Wright. Wright, a well-known citizen of 
Lynn, and a prospective student, addressed several questions 
to Mrs. Eddy concerning Christian Science. " What do you 
claim for it," he says, " in cases of sprains, broken limbs, 
cuts, bruises, etc., when a surgeon's services are generally re 
quired? " To which Mrs. Eddy, then Mrs. Glover, replied: 

I have demonstrated upon myself in an injury occasioned by a fall, 
that it did for me what surgeons could not do. Dr. Gushing of this city 
pronounced my injury incurable and that I could not survive three days 
because of it, when on the third day I rose from my bed and to the utter 
confusion of all I commenced my usual avocations and notwithstanding 
displacements, etc., I regained the natural position and functions of the 
body. How far my students can demonstrate in such extreme cases depends 
on the progress they have made in this Science. 

Here again Mrs. Eddy cites the experience merely as a re- 


markable instance of the power of Christian Science; and does 
not connect it in any way with her revelation. 

The Dr. Gushing to whom Mrs. Eddy refers in this letter 
is still living at Springfield, Mass. He has the clearest recol 
lection of Mrs. Eddy and the accident in question. He is an 
ex-president of the Massachusetts Homoeopathic Society. From 
his records he has made the following affidavit: 


Alvin M. Gushing, being duly sworn, deposes and says: I am seventy- 
seven years of age, and reside in the City of Springfield in the Common 
wealth of Massachusetts. I am a medical doctor of the homeopathic 
school and have practised medicine for fifty years last past. On July 13 
in the year 1865 I commenced the practice of my profession in the City 
of Lynn, in said Commonwealth, and, while there, kept a careful and 
accurate record, in detail, of my various cases, my attendance upon and 
my treatment of them. One of my cases of which I made and have such 
a record is that of Mrs. Mary M. Patterson, then the wife of one Daniel 
Patterson, a dentist, and now Mrs. Mary G. Eddy, of Concord, New 

On February 1, 1866, I was called to the residence of Samuel M. Bubier, 
who was a shoe manufacturer and later was mayor of Lynn, to attend 
said Mrs. Patterson, who had fallen upon the icy sidewalk in front of 
Mr. Bubier's factory and had injured her head by the fall. I found her 
very nervous, partially unconscious, semi-hysterical, complaining by word 
and action of severe pain in the back of her head and neck. This was early 
in the evening, and I gave her medicine every fifteen minutes until she 
was more quiet, then left her with Mrs. Bubier for a little time, ordering 
the medicine to be given every half hour until my return. I made a 
second visit later and left Mrs. Patterson at midnight, with directions to 
give the medicine every half hour or hour as seemed necessary, when 
awake, but not disturb her if asleep. 

In the morning Mrs. Bubier told me my orders had been carried out 
and said Mrs. Patterson had slept some. I found her quite rational but 
complaining of severe pain, almost spasmodic on moving. She declared that 
she was going to her home in Swampscott whether we consented or not. 
On account of the severe pain and nervousness, I gave her one-eighth of 
a grain of morphine, not as a curative remedy, but as an expedient to 


lessen the pain on removing. As soon as I could, I procured a long sleigh 
with robes and blankets, and two men from a nearby stable. On my 
return, to my surprise found her sound asleep. We placed her in the 
sleigh and carried her to her home in Swampscott, without a moan. At 
her home the two men undertook to carry her upstairs, and she was so 
sound asleep and limp she "doubled up like a jack-knife," so I placed 
myself on the stairs on my hands and feet and they laid her on my back, 
and in that way we carried her upstairs and placed her in bed. She slept 
till nearly two o'clock in the afternoon; so long I began to fear therd had 
been some mistake in the dose. 

Said Mrs. Patterson proved to be a very interesting patient, and one of 
the most sensitive to the effects of medicine that I ever saw, which 
accounted for the effects of the small dose of morphine. Probably one- 
sixteenth of a grain would have put her sound asleep. Each day that 
I visited her, I dissolved a small portion of a highly attenuated remedy 
in one-half a glass of water and ordered a teaspoonful given every two 
hours, usually giving one dose while there. She told me she could feel 
each dose to the tips of her fingers and toes, and gave me much credit 
for my ability to select a remedy. 

I visited her twice on February first, twice on the second, once on the 
third, and once on the fifth, and on the thirteenth day of the same month 
my bill was paid. During my visits to her she spoke to me of a Dr. 
Quimby of Portland, Maine, who had treated her for some severe illness 
with remarkable success. She did not tell what his method was, but I 
inferred it was not the usual method of either school of medicine. 

There was, to my knowledge, no other physician in attendance upon Mrs. 
Patterson during this illness from the day of the accident, February 1, 
1866, to my final visit on February 13th, and when I left her on the 
13th day of February, she seemed to have recovered from the disturbance 
caused by the accident and to be, practically, in her normal condition. I did 
not at any time declare, or believe, that there was no hope for Mrs. 
Patterson's recovery, or that she was in a critical condition, and did not 
at any time say, or believe, that she had but three or any other limited 
number of days to live. Mrs. Patterson did not suggest, or say, or 
pretend, or in any way whatever intimate, that on the third, or any 
other day, of her said illness, she had miraculously recovered or been 
healed, or that, discovering or perceiving the truth of the power employed 
by Christ to heal the sick, she had, by it, been restored to health. As I 
have stated, on the third and subsequent days of her said illness, resulting 
from her said fall on the ice, I attended Mrs. Patterson and gave her 
medicine; and on the 10th day of the following August, I was again 
called to see her, this time at the home of a Mrs. Clark, on Sumner Street, 
in said City of Lynn. I found Mrs. Patterson suffering from a bad 


cough and prescribed for her. I made three more professional calls upon 
Mrs. Patterson and treated her for this cough in the said month of 
August, and with that, ended my professional relations with her. 

I think I never met Mrs. Patterson after August 31, 1866, but saw her 
often during the next few years and heard that she claimed to have dis 
covered a new method of curing disease. 

Each of the said visits upon Mrs. Patterson, together with my treatment, 
the symptoms and the progress of the case, were recorded in my own 
hand in my record book at the time, and the said book, with the said 
entries made in February and August, 1866, is now in my possession. 

I have, of course, no personal feeling in this matter. In response to 
many requests for a statement, I make this affidavit because I am assured 
it is wanted to perpetuate the testimony that can now be obtained, and 
be used only for a good purpose. I regard it as a duty which I owe 
to posterity to make public this particular episode in the life of Mary 
Baker G. Eddy. 


On this second day of January, in the year one thousand, nine hundred 
and seven, at the City of Springfield, Massachusetts, personally appeared 
before me, Alvin M. Cushing, M.D., to me personally known, and made 
oath that he had read over the foregoing statement, and knows the contents 
thereof, and that the same are true; and he, thereupon, in my presence, 
did sign his name at the end of said statements, and at the foot of each 
of the three preceding pages thereof. 

RAYMOND A. BIDWELL, Notary Public. 

It will be noted that although Mrs. Eddy's revelation and 
miraculous recovery occurred on February third, Dr. Cushing 
visited her professionally three times after she had been re 
stored to health by divine power. Dr. Cushing says that he 
visited her on the third day when, writes Mrs. Eddy, she 
had her miraculous recovery; and also two days later. In 
August, seven months after her discovery of Christian Science, 
he was called in to treat her for a cough, and made four pro 
fessional visits during that month. 

Quimby's adherents believe that Mrs. Eddy's own contra 
dictory statements invalidate her claims that God miraculously 


revealed to her the principle of Christian Science. They assert 
that, on the other hand, they can clearly prove that she ob 
tained the basic ideas of her system from Phineas P. Quimby. 
They can prove their contention, they add, from the sworn 
testimony of many reputable witnesses. They do not rely, 
however, chiefly upon personal testimony. They put forth as 
the chief witness against Mrs. Eddy, Mrs. Eddy herself. They 
seek to disprove practically all her later statements regarding 
Quimby by quoting from her own admitted writings and from 

They assert that Mrs. Eddy obtained from Quimby, not 
only her ideas, but the very name of her new religion. Mrs. 
Eddy herself says that in 1866 she named her discovery Chris 
tian Science. Quimby, however, called his theory Christian 
Science at least as early as 1863. In a manuscript written 
in that year, entitled " Aristocracy and Democracy," he used 
these identical words. In the main, however, Quimby called 
his theory the " Science of Health and Happiness," the " Science 
of Christ," and many times simply " Science." 





THE controversy is chiefly upon two points: whether Quimby 
healed mentally, through the divine power of mind, or physic 
ally, through mesmerism or animal magnetism; and whether 
he himself developed his own theory and wrote his own manu 
scripts or obtained his ideas from Mrs. Eddy. Mrs. Eddy, 
when accused of having appropriated Quimby's theories, has 
always declared that her system had not the slightest similarity 
to his. Christian Scientists heal by the direct power of God, 
precisely as did Jesus Himself. They regard mesmerism, or 
hypnotism, as the supreme error. " Animal magnetism," once 
wrote the Rev. James Henry Wiggin, Mrs. Eddy's literary ad 
viser, " is her devil. No church can long get on without a 
devil, you know." Therefore, if Mrs. Eddy proves that Quimby 
practised this art, and healed by it, to her followers she has 
more than proved her case. In Retrospection and Introspec 
tion, she says that Quimby was a " magnetic doctor," and im 
plies that he was a spiritualist. " It was in Massachusetts, 
February, 1866," she says, " and after the death of the mag 
netic doctor, Mr. P. P. Quimby, whom Spiritualists would asso 
ciate therewith, but who was in no-wise connected with this 


event, that I discovered the Science of Divine Metaphysical 
Healing, which I afterwards named Christian Science." This 
idea she has elaborated many times. In Miscellaneous Writings 
she tells the story of her visit to Quimby in these words : 

About the year 1862, while the author of this work was at Dr. VaiPs 
Hydropathic Institute in New Hampshire, this occurred: A patient con 
sidered incurable left that institution, and in a few weeks returned 
apparently well, having been healed, as he informed the patients, by one 
Mr. P. P. Quimby, of Portland, Maine. 

After much consultation among ourselves, and a struggle with pride, 
the author, in company with several other patients, left the Water Cure, 
en route for the aforesaid doctor in Portland. He proved to be a magnetic 
practitioner. His treatment seemed at first to relieve her but signally 
failed in healing her case. 

Having practised Homeopathy, it never occurred to the author to learn 
his practice, but she did ask him how manipulation could benefit the sick. 
He answered kindly and squarely, in substance, " Because it conveys elec 
tricity to them." That was the sum of what he taught her of his medical 
profession. 1 

In the Christian Science Journal for June, 1887, Mrs. Eddy 
repeats the same idea: 

I never heard him intimate that he healed disease mentally; and many 
others will testify that, up to his last sickness, he treated us magnetically, 
manipulating our heads, and making passes in the air while he stood in 
front of us. During his treatments I felt like one having hold of an 
electric battery and standing on an insulated stool. His healing was never 
considered or called anything but Mesmerism. 

In numerous other articles, Mrs. Eddy has declared that 
Quimby healed by animal magnetism; that he never said he 
healed mentally, never recognised the superiority of mind to 
matter, or any divine principle in his work. These statements, 
however, hardly agree with that made in the letter to W. W. 
Wright, written in 1871 and quoted in this chapter, in which 

1 Miscellaneous Writings (1897), p. 378. 


she refers to Quimby as " an old gentleman who had made it a 
research for twenty-five years, starting from the standpoint 
of magnetism, thence going forward and leaving that behind." 
In the letter published on November 7, 1862, in the Portland 
Courier, Mrs. Eddy herself defended Quimby from the very 
charge which she now brings against him that he healed by 
animal magnetism. On this point, she wrote: 

Again, is it by animal magnetism that he heals the sick? Let us 
examine. I have employed electro-magnetism and animal magnetism, and 
for a brief interval have felt relief, from the equilibrium which I fancied 
was restored to an exhausted system or by a diffusion of concentrated 
action. But in no instance did I get rid of a return of all my ailments, 
because I had not been helped out of the error in which opinions involved 
us. My operator believed in disease, independent of the mind; hence I 
could not be wiser than my master. But now I can see dimly at first, and 
only as trees walking, the great principle which underlies Dr. Quimby's 
faith and works; and just in proportion to my right perception of truth 
is my recovery. This truth which he opposes to the error of giving intelli 
gence to matter and placing pain where it never placed itself, if received 
understandingly, changes the currents of the system to their normal action; 
and the mechanism of the body goes on undisturbed. That this is a science 
capable of demonstration, becomes clear to the minds of those patients who 
reason upon the process of their cure. The truth which he establishes 
in the patient cures him (although he may be wholly unconscious thereof) ; 
and the body, which is full of light, is no longer in disease. . . . After 
all, this is a very spiritual doctrine; but the eternal years of God are with 
it, and it must stand firm as the rock of ages. And to many a poor 
sufferer it may be found, as by me, " the shadow of a great rock in a 
weary land." 

Hardly anything could be more specific than this. 

In 186%, Mrs. Eddy, while she was still Quimby's patient, 
declared that he healed, not by animal magnetism, but by the 
" truth which he opposes to the error of giving intelligence 
to matter and placing pain where it never placed itself." Again, 
*' the truth which he establishes in the patient cures him . . . 


and the body, which is full of light, is no longer in disease." 
In 1871, while teaching and practising Quimby's method 
for a livelihood, she declared that he started " from the stand 
point of magnetism, thence going forward and leaving that 
behind." 2 

In 1887, when at the head of a great organisation of her 
own, she says : " he treated us magnetically. . . . His healing 
was never considered or called anything but Mesmerism." 

Now Mrs. Eddy says that Quimby's method was purely 
" physical "; then, in 1862, she wrote that, " after all, this is 
a very spiritual doctrine," and describes it as " the great prin 
ciple which underlies Dr. Quimby's faith and works." In an 
other communication to the Portland Courier, written November, 
1862, Mrs. Eddy specifically declared that Quimby healed after 
Christ's method. She said: 

P. P. Quimby stands upon the plane of wisdom with his truth. Christ 
healed the sick, but not by jugglery or with drugs. As the former speaks 
as never man before spake, and heals as never man healed since Christ, is 
he not identified with truth? And is not this the Christ which is in 
him? We know that in wisdom is life, "and the life was the light of 
man." P. P. Quimby rolls away the stone from the sepulchre of error, 
and health is the resurrection. But we also know that " light shineth in 
darkness and the darkness comprehendeth it not." 

Mrs. Eddy repeated the same thought in the verses which 
she published, over her own name, in a Lynn newspaper, on 
February 22, 1866. She entitled them, " Lines on the Death 
of Dr. P. P. Quimby, Who Healed with the Truth that Christ 
Taught in Contradistinction to All Isms." The letters written 
by Mrs. Eddy to Quimby in the years 1862, '63, '64, and '65, 
extracts from which were printed, express the same conviction. 

2 See extract from letter to Mr. W. W. Wright, p. 101 of this chapter. 


On September 14, 1863, in asking for an u absent treatment," 
Mrs. Eddy wrote : " I would like to have you in your omni 
presence visit me at eight o'clock this evening." In a letter 
dated Warren, May, 1864, she writes that she has been ill, 
but adds, " I am up and about today, i.e., by the help of the 
Lord (Quimby)." In the quotation from Retrospection and 
Introspection above, Mrs. Eddy associates Quimby with spirit 
ualists. Yet, forty years ago, she delivered a public lecture 
to prove that he was not a spiritualist. She records the event 
in a letter to Quimby, dated Warren, April 24, 1864 : 

Jesus taught as man does not, who then is wise but you? Posted at 
the public marts of this city is this notice, Mrs. M. M. Patterson will 
lecture at the Town Hall on P. P. Quimby's Spiritual Science healing 
disease, as opposed to Deism or Rochester Rapping Spiritualism. 

Quimby's manuscripts, his defenders assert, clearly show that 
when Mrs. Eddy knew him he had dropped mesmerism for his 
new system. In 1859 three years before he ever saw Mrs. 
Eddy he clearly distinguished between physical and spiritual 
healing between the permanent healing of disease through 
God, Wisdom, or the Christ method, and its temporary and 
ineffectual healing through ignorance, symbolically called 

The question is asked me by some, is the curing of disease a science? 
I answer yes. You may ask who is the founder of that science? I 
answer Jesus Christ. Then comes the question, what proof have you that 
it is a science? Because Christ healed the sick, that of itself is no proof 
that he knew what he was doing. If it was done, it must have been done 
by some law or science, for there can be no such thing as accident with 
God, and if Christ was God, he did know what he was doing. When he was 
accused of curing disease through Beelzebub or ignorance, he said, If I 
cast out devils or disease through Beelzebub or ignorance, my kingdom or 
science cannot stand, but if I cast out devils or disease through a science 


or law, then my kingdom or law will stand, for it is not of this world. 
When others cast out disease they cured by ignorance, or Beelzebub, and 
there was no science in the cure, although an effect was produced, but 
not knowing the cause, the world was none the wiser for their cures. At 
another time when told by his disciples, that persons were casting out 
devils in his name, and they forbid them, he said, they that are with us are 
not against us, but they that are not with us, or are ignorant of the laws 
of curing, scattereth abroad, for the world is none the wiser. There you 
see, he makes a difference between his mode of curing and theirs. If 
Christ's cures were done by the power of God, and Christ was God, he 
must have known what that power or science was, and if he did, he knew 
the difference between his science, and their ignorance. His science was 
His Kingdom, therefore it was not of this world, and theirs being of this 
world, he called it the Kingdom of Darkness. To enter into Christ's 
Kingdom, or science, was to enter into the laws of knowledge, of curing 
the evils of this world of darkness. As disease is an evil, it is of this 
world and in this kingdom of darkness. To separate one world from 
another, is to separate life, the resurrection of one is the destruction of 
the other. 8 

Mrs. Eddy, to prove that Quimby was merely a mesmerist, 
emphasises the fact that he frequently rubbed his patients' 
heads. According to the present Christian Science belief, that 
is the cardinal sin. Physical contact with the patient implies 
that the treatment is of this world; in order that healing be 
Divine, Christ-like, its only instrument must be mind. On this 
one point the controversy has been long and bitter. It figures 
as conspicuously in this dispute as did the word filioque in the 
contentions of the early Christian Church. Mrs. Eddy, in the 
Christian Science Journal of June, 1887, says : 

If, as Mr. Dresser says, Mr. Quimby's theory (if he had one) and practice 
were like mine, purely mental, what need had he of such physical means 
as wetting his hands in water and rubbing the head? Yet these appliances 
he continued until he ceased practice; and in his last sickness the poor 
man employed a homeopathic physician. The Science of Mind-healing would 
be lost by such means and it is a moral impossibility to understand or 
to demonstrate this science through such extraneous aids. Mr. Quimby, 

* From a manuscript written in 1859. 


never to my knowledge, thought that matter was mind; and he never 
intimated to me that he healed mentally, or by the aid of mind. Did he 
believe matter and mind to be one, and then rub matter in order to 
convince the mind of truth? Which did he manipulate with his hands, 
matter or mind? Was Mr. Quimby's entire method of treating the sick 
intended to hoodwink his patients? 

Quimby's followers freely admit that, on some occasions, 
he dipped his hands in water and rubbed the patient's head. 
They deny, however, that this was an essential part of the 
cure. Mr. Julius A. Dresser explains the circumstances thus : 

Some may desire to ask, if in his practice, he ever in any way used 
manipulation. I reply that, in treating a patient, after he had finished 
his explanations, and the silent work, which completed the treatment, he 
usually rubbed the head two or three times, in a brisk manner, for the 
purpose of letting the patient see that something was done. This was a 
measure of securing the confidence of the patient at a time when he was 
starting a new practice, and stood alone in it. I knew him to make 
many and quick cures at a distance sometimes with persons he never saw 
at all. He never considered the touch of the hand as at all necessary; 
but let it be governed by circumstances, as was done eighteen hundred 
years ago. 4 

In Mrs. Eddy's early days, she treated in precisely the same 
way. As will be described in the next chapter, she lived in 
several Massachusetts towns, teaching and practising the 
Quimby cure. She always instructed her students, after treat 
ing their patients mentally, to rub their heads. In addition, 
Mrs. Eddy would dip her hands in water and lay them over 
the stomach of the patient, repeating, as she did this, the words : 
" Peace, be still." Several of Mrs. Eddy's students of that 
time are still practising, and they still, in accordance with 
her instructions of nearly forty years ago, manipulate their 
patients. It was not until 1872 that she learned that the 

4 The True History of Mental Science, p. 25. 


practice was pernicious. She tells the story as follows, in a 
pamphlet, The Science of Man, published in 1876: 

When we commenced this science, we permitted students to manipulate 
the head, ignorant that it could do harm, or hinder the power of mind 
acting in an opposite direction, viz., while the hands were at work and 
the mind directing material action. We regret to say it was the sins 
of a young student that called our attention to this question for the first 
time, and placed it in a new moral and physical aspect. By thorough 
examination and tests, we learned manipulation hinders instead of helps 
mental healing; it also establishes a mesmeric connection between patient 
and practitioner that gives the latter opportunity and power to govern 
the thoughts and actions of his patients in any direction he chooses, and 
with error instead of truth. This can injure the patients and must always 
prevent a scientific result. . . . Since our discovery of this malpractice 
in 1872, we have never permitted a student with our consent to manipulate 
in the least, and this process unlearned is utterly worthless to benefit 
the sick. 5 

This is an admission on Mrs. Eddy's part that, for six years 
after her discovery of the " absolute principle of metaphysical 
healing," she herself taught the method which she now asserts 
disproves that Quimby ever healed by the power of mind. 
Quimby's adherents maintain that the fact that during these 
six years she followed his instructions implicitly and rubbed 
her patients' heads, is merely another proof that she obtained 
her original conception of mental healing from him. In Mis 
cellaneous Writings Mrs. Eddy explains this head-rubbing on 
the same ground as did Quimby, that is, that the average 
weak and doubting mind needed an outward sign : 

It was after Mr. Quimby's death, that I discovered, in 1866, the 
momentous facts relating to Mind and its superiority over matter, and 
named my discovery Christian Science. Yet, there remained the difficulty 
of adjusting in the scale of Science a metaphysical practice, and settling 
the question, What shall be the outward sign of such a practice: if a 

5 P. 12. 


Divine Principle alone heals, what is the human modus for demonstrating 
this? . . . My students at first practised in slightly different forms. 
Although / could heal mentally, without a sign save the immediate recovery 
of the sick, my students' patients, and people generally, called for a sign 
a material evidence wherewith to satisfy the sick that something was being 
done for them; and I said, "Suffer it to be so now," for thus saith our 
Master. Experience, however, taught me the impossibility of demonstrat 
ing the Science of Metaphysical Healing by any outward form of practice. 8 

Other pupils of Quimby, among them Mr. Julius A. Dresser, 
resented his being presented to the world by Mrs. Eddy as a 
mesmerist and magnetic healer. They asserted again and again 
that he healed by mental science purely, and that Mrs. Eddy 
had misrepresented him and his methods. Mr. Dresser made 
a statement to that effect in the Boston Post, February 24, 
1883. Mrs. Eddy replied to this letter (Boston Post, March 7, 
1883), admitting that Quimby " may have had a theory in 
advance of his method," but making the claim that it was she 
who first asked him to " write his thoughts out," and that she 
would sometimes so transform his manuscripts that they were 
virtually her own compositions. She says: 

We never were a student of Dr. Quimby's. . . . Dr. Quimby never 
had students, to our knowledge. He was an Humanitarian, but a very 
unlearned man. He never published a work in his life; was not a 
lecturer or teacher. He was somewhat of a remarkable healer, and at the 
time we knew him he was known as a mesmerist. We were one of his 
patients. He manipulated his patients, but possibly back of his practice 
he may have had a theory in advance of his method. . . . We knew him 
about twenty years ago, and aimed to help him. We saw he was looking 
in our direction, and asked him to write his thoughts out. He did so, 
and then we would take that copy to correct, and sometimes so transform 
it that he would say it was our composition, which it virtually was; but 
we always gave him back the copy and sometimes wrote his name on the 
back of it. 

Miscellaneous Writings (1897), pp. 379 and 380. 


In a revised edition of Julius A. Dresser's pamphlet, The 
True History of Mental Science, Mr. Dresser's son, Horatio W. 
Dresser, says : 

It has frequently been claimed that Mrs. Eddy was Quimby's secretary, 
and that she helped him to formulate his ideas. It has also been stated 
that these manuscripts were Mrs. Eddy's writings, left by her in Portland; 
that the articles printed in this pamphlet were Mrs. Eddy's words, as 
nearly as she can recollect them (Christian Science Sentinel, February 16, 
1899). There is absolutely no truth in any of these statements or suppo 
sitions. Mrs. Eddy never saw a page of the original manuscripts; and 
Volume I, loaned her by my father in 1862, was his copy from a copy. 
Mrs. Eddy may have made a copy of this volume for her own use, but 
the majority even of the copied articles Mrs. Eddy never saw. I have 
read and copied all of these articles, and can certify that they contain 
a very original and complete statement of the data and theory of mental 
healing. There are over eight hundred closely written pages, covering 
one hundred and twenty subjects, written previous to March, 1862, more 
than six months before Mrs. Eddy went to Dr. Quimby. 

In the 1884 edition of Science and Health, Mrs. Eddy, writing 
of Quimby, says: 

The old gentleman to whom we have referred had some very advanced 
views on healing, but he was not avowedly religious neither scholarly. 
We interchanged thoughts on the subject of healing the sick. I restored 
some patients of his that he failed to heal, and left in his possession some 
manuscripts of mine containing corrections of his desultory pennings 
which I am informed, at his decease, passed into the hands of a patient 
of his, .now residing in Scotland. He died in 1865 and left no published 
works. The only manuscript that we ever held of his, longer than to 
correct it, was one of perhaps a dozen pages, most of which we had 

This manuscript of " perhaps a dozen pages," is clearly the 
one called by Quimby, Questions and Answers. The original 
copy, now in the possession of the writer, in the handwriting 
of Quimby's wife, is dated February, 1862, eight months before 


Quimby had ever seen Mrs. Eddy. From this manuscript Mrs. 
Eddy taught for several years after Quimby's death, and she 
sold copies of it to her early students for $300 each. 7 Its 
history will be given in detail and its contents analysed in the 
next chapter. 

In refutation of Mrs. Eddy's general assertion that she 
herself taught Quimby what he knew about mental science, 
and that she corrected and so largely contributed to the Quimby 
manuscripts, Quimby's defenders again quote Mrs. Eddy herself. 
They once more draw upon her early letter to the Portland 
Courier. This, they say, does not read like a letter written 
by master to pupil. If Mrs. Eddy were the teacher and Quimby 
the student, would she, they ask, speak of him in this wise? 
" Now, then, his works are but the result of superior wisdom, 
which can demonstrate a science not understood. . . . But now 
I can see dimly at first, and only as trees walking, the great 
principle which underlies Dr. Quimby's faith and works; and 
just in proportion to my right perception of truth is my 
recovery." If Mrs. Eddy, they add, were at that time writing 
Quimby's manuscripts, would she, in this same letter, have ex 
pressed herself thus : " At present I am too much in error 
to elucidate the truth, and can touch only the keynote for 
the master hand to wake the harmony. . . . To many a poor 
sufferer may it be found, as by me, ' the shadow of a great 
rock in a weary land.' ' 

Mrs. Eddy's poem on Quimby's death, already quoted, is 
apparently the grateful tribute of pupil to teacher. Its con 
cluding lines ill sustain Mrs. Eddy's present position : 

1 For the $300 Mrs. Eddy's students also obtained twelve lessons in the 
Quimby cure. 


" Rest should reward him who hath made us whole, 
Seeking, though tremblers, where his footsteps trod." 

Her letters to Quimby, 1862-'65, also fail to substantiate 
this impression that Quimby was under Mrs. Eddy's instruc 
tion. " I have the utmost faith in your philosophy," she wrote 
in 1862. Other phrases, scattered through the letters, read: 8 

"Dear doctor, what could I do without you? ... I am 
to all who see me a living wonder, and a living monument of 
your power. . . . My explanation of your curative principle 
surprises people. . . . Who is wise but you ?" She wrote from 
Warren, Me., in the spring of 1865, that she had been asked 
to treat sick people after the Quimby method. She refuses 
to do so, she adds, because she considers that she is still in 
her " pupilage." 

In connection with Mrs. Eddy's claim that she herself largely 
wrote the Quimby manuscripts, the following extract from an 
affidavit of Mrs. Sarah G. Crosby of Waterville, Me., an 
intimate friend of Mrs. Eddy when she was under Quimby's 
treatment, is also of interest: 

I know little of the history of said Mrs. Patterson between 1866 and 
1877, when she called me professionally 8 to Lynn, in February, 1877, a 
few weeks after her marriage to Asa G. Eddy, to report a course of 
lessons to a class of nine pupils. She told me she wished a copy of these 
lessons for Mr. Eddy to study, that he, too, might teach classes. These 
lectures were in all material respects the same as I had myself been taught 
by said Dr. Quimby and that Mrs. Patterson and I had so often discussed, 
and which she had tried so hard to make me understand and adopt when 
we were together in Portland and later in Albion; the same teaching 
about Truth and Error and matter and disease, the same method of curing 
disease by Truth casting out Error, the same claim that it was the method 

8 For further extracts from Mrs. Eddy's letters to Quimby, see Chapter IV. 

9 Mrs. Crosby was an expert court stenographer. 


adopted by Jesus. I do not hesitate to say that Mrs. Eddy's teachings in 
1877, and Dr. Quimby's teachings in 1864 were substantially the same; in 
fact, as I heard them both, I know they were. 

In June, 1883, an attorney representing said Mrs. Patterson came to see 
me at Waterville, my present home, and interviewed me regarding her 
work with Dr. Quimby in Portland in 1864. I refused to answer his 
questions and he left, but returned the next day bearing an affectionate 
letter from said Mrs. Patterson. The following is a copy thereof: 



I wanted to see you myself but it was impossible for me to leave my 
home and so have sent the bearer of this note to see you for me. 

Two nights ago I had a sweet dream of Albert 1 " and the dear face 
was so familiar, Oh how I loved him ! and in the morning a thought popped 
into my head to ask Sarah to help me in this very trying hour. 

These are the circumstances. A student " of my husband's took the class- 
book of mine that he studied, put his name to most of it, and published 
it as his own after he was through with the class. 

Then was the time I ought to have sued him, but Oh, I do so dislike 
a quarrel that I hoped to get over it without a law-suit. 

So I noticed in my next edition of ' Science and Health ' his infringe 
ment with a sharp reprimand thinking that would stop him, but this winter 
he issued another copy of my work as the author, and then I sued him. 
The next thing he did was to publish the falsehood that I stole my works 
from the late Dr. Quimby. When everything I ever had published has been 
written or edited by me as spontaneously as I teach or lecture. 

10 It will be remembered that the " spirit " friendship of Mrs. Patterson's 
dead brother, Albert Baker, for Mrs. Crosby, formed a close bond in the 
friendship of the two women, and that he communicated with Mrs. Crosby 
through his sister. See Chapter IV. 

11 In the early '80's, Edward J. Arens published a pamphlet entitled Old 
Theology in its Application to the Healing of the Sick; the Redemption of 
Man from the Bondage of Sin and Death, and His Restoration to an In 
heritance of Everlasting Life. In this Arens borrowed liberally, in word and 
idea, from Science and Health. In 1883 Mrs. Eddy sued Arens for infringe 
ment of copyright. Arens said, in defence, that he had not borrowed from 
Mrs. Eddy, but from the late P. P. Quimby, of Portland, Me. He added 
that Mrs. Eddy had herself appropriated Quimby's ideas, in other words, 
that both had drawn their philosophy from the same source. The court 
decided in Mrs. Eddy's favour, and issued a perpetual injunction restraining 
Arens from circulating his books. On the strength of this decision Mrs. Eddy 
and her followers have declared that the United States courts have decided 
the issue of the Quimby controversy in her favour. There is nothing in this 
decision contrary to the claims of Quimby's friends. The court, they agree, 
simply decided that Mrs. Eddy held a valid copyright upon Science and Health 
and that Arens had violated that copyright. They have never denied either 
of these facts. They freely admit that Mrs. Eddy wrote Science and Health 
as it stands, and that she has a property interest in it. They are not dis 
cussing legal technicalities, but only the moral issue involved, which, they add, 
did not and properly could not, be considered by the court. 


Now dear one, I want you to tell this man, the bearer of this note, 
that you know that Dr. Quimby and I were friends and that I used to 
take his scribblings and fix them over for him and give him my thoughts 
and language which as I understood it, were far in advance of his. 

Will you do this and give an affidavit to this effect and greatly oblige 
your Affectionate Sister Mary." 

I read the foregoing appeal for help from said Mrs. Patterson, then 
Eddy, and as it was clearly a request that I should make oath to what 
was not true, I informed the attorney that I should not make the 
affidavit asked by his client, as it would not be a true statement. He 
then threatened to summon me to the trial, but I think I made him 
understand that I would not be a desirable witness on his side of the case. 
He thereupon departed, and I was not summoned to testify. And since 
that interview, I have only a public knowledge of said Mrs. Patterson-Eddy. 

In her private correspondence, Mrs. Eddy has said, in so 
many words, that she taught the Quimby system. Reference 
has already been made to the correspondence in March, 1871, 
between Mrs. Eddy then Mrs. Glover and Mr. W. W. Wright 
of Lynn. Mr. Wright specifically asked this question: 

6th: Has this theory ever been advertised or practised before you 
introduced it, or by any other individual? 

To this Mrs. Eddy replied : 

6th: Never advertised, and practised by only one individual who healed 
me, Dr. Quimby of Portland, Me, an old gentleman who had made it a 
research for twenty-five years, starting from the stand-point of magnetism 
thence going forward and leaving that behind. 7 discovered the art in 
a moment's time, and he acknowledged it to me; he died shortly after 
and since then, eight years, I have been founding and demonstrating 
the science. . . . please preserve this, and if you become my student 
call me to account for the truth of what I have written 



Mrs. Eddy has never attempted to reconcile the statements 
which she made before the publication of Science and Health 
with the very different ones which she has made since. 


The explanation by which she seeks to account for her early 
expressions of devotion and gratitude to Quimby is not one 
which tends to lessen the perplexities of the historian. She 
simply asserts that she wrote these tributes to Quimby while 
under mesmeric influence and is not properly responsible for 
them at all. 

In the Boston Post, in a letter dated March 7, 1883, after 
Julius A. Dresser had made public some of the letters already 
quoted, she wrote as follows: 

Did I write those articles purporting to be mine? I might have written 
them twenty or thirty years ago, for I was under the mesmeric treatment 
of Dr. Quimby from 1862 until his death in 1865. He was illiterate 
and I knew nothing then of the Science of Mind-healing, and I was as 
ignorant of mesmerism as Eve before she was taught by the serpent. 
Mind Science was unknown to me; and my head was so turned by animal 
magnetism and will-power, under his treatment, that I might have written 
something as hopelessly incorrect as the articles now published in the 
Dresser pamphlet. I was not healed until after the death of Mr. Quimby; 
and then healing came as the result of my discovery in 1866, of the Science 
of Mind-healing, since named Christian Science. 

In 1887, when Julius A. Dresser published his True History 
of Mental Science, the Quimby-Eddy controversy reached its 
climax. Mrs. Eddy, says Horatio W. Dresser, requested her 
literary adviser, Rev. James Henry Wiggin, to answer the 
pamphlet. Mr. Wiggin asked Mrs. Eddy if she had written 
the letters in the Portland newspapers, the letter to Dresser, 
the poem on Quimby's death, and other effusions. Mrs. Eddy 
admitted that she had. " Then," replied Mr. Wiggin, " there 
is nothing to say," and declined the task. In a personal letter 
Mr. Wiggin says : 

What Mrs. Eddy has, as documents clearly prove, she got from P. P. 
Quimby, of Portland, Me., whom she eulogised after death as the great 


leader and her special teacher. . . . She has tried to answer this charge 
of the adoption of Quimby's ideas, and called me in to counsel her 
about it; but her only answer (in print!) was that if she said such things 
twenty years ago, she must have been under the influence of Animal 

Mrs. Eddy, however, issued the following challenge : 


Mr. George A. Quimby son of the late Phineas P. Quimby, over his 
own signature and before witnesses, stated in 1883, that he had in his 
possession at that time all the manuscript that had been written by his 
father. And I hereby declare that to expose the falsehood of parties 
publicly intimating that I have appropriated matter belonging to the 
aforesaid Quimby, I will pay the cost of printing and publishing the 
first edition of those manuscripts with the author's name: 

Provided, that I am allowed first to examine said manuscripts, and do 
find that they were his own compositions, and not mine, that were left 
with him many years ago, or that they have not since his death, in 1865, 
been stolen from my published works. Also that I am given the right 
to bring out this one edition under the copyright of the owner of said 
manuscripts, and all the money accruing from the sales of said book 
shall be paid to said owner. Some of his purported writings, quoted by 
Mr. D , were my own words as near as I can recollect them. 

There is a great demand for my work, " Science and Health, with 
Key to Scriptures," hence Mr. D 's excuse for the delay to publish 
Quimby's manuscripts namely, that this period is not sufficiently enlight 
ened to be benefited by them (?) is lost, for if I have copied from 
Quimby, and my book is accepted, it has created a demand for his. 


This proposition was ignored by Mr. Quimby, owing to his 
own knowledge of Mrs. Eddy and of his father's manuscripts. 
Quimby's adherents declare that the provisions made in her 
offer indicate what her claims would have been if the manu 
scripts had been given into her hands as she had already 
announced that Dr. Quimby's writings were her own and that 
the proposition was made with the object of securing possession 
of the manuscripts. 


In a letter to Mr. A. J. Swartz, a mental healer of Chicago 
who interested himself in the case, dated February 22, 1838, 
George A. Quimby explained his position: 

Your letter with enclosure at hand. I judge that you offer to defend 
the memory of my father, the late P. P. Quimby. . . . Please permit 
me to say that I have no doubt of your kind intention to come to the 
rescue of my father, but I do not feel that there is the slightest necessity 
for it. ... If I were in prison, in solitary confinement for life, I 
should be too busy to get into any kind of a discussion with Mrs. Eddy. 

I have my father's manuscripts in my possession, but will not allow 
them to be copied nor to go out of my hands. Answering your further 
inquiries, I have no written article of Mrs. Eddy's in my possession, have 
never had, nor did my father ever have, nor did she ever leave any with 
either of us. Neither of us have ever " stolen " any of her writings nor 
anything else. In fact, we both have been able to make a living without 

stealing. . . . 

Yours truly, 


From the history of this controversy, it is evident that, for 
Mrs. Eddy, there have existed two Phineas P. Quimbys: one 
the Quimby who was her physician and teacher, who roused her 
from the fretful discontent of middle-age, and who gave her 
purpose and aspiration; the other the Quimby who, after the 
publication of Science and Health, became, in a sense, her 
rival, whom she saw as an antagonist threatening to invalidate 
her claims. If she has been a loser through this controversy, 
it is not because of what she borrowed from Quimby, but because 
of her later unwillingness to admit her obligation to him. Had 
she observed the etiquette of the regular sciences, where personal 
ambition is subsidiary to a desire for truth, and where dis 
coverers and investigators are scrupulous to acknowledge the 
sources from which they have obtained help, it would have 
strengthened rather than weakened her position. 






ALTHOUGH after Mrs. Eddy's second visit to Quimby in the 
early part of 1864 she always desired to teach his doctrines 
and could think and talk of little else, it was not until 1870 
that she was able to establish herself as a teacher of metaphysical 
healing. The six years intervening are important chiefly as 
the period of Mrs. Eddy's novitiate. During that time she 
drifted from one to another of half a dozen little towns about 
Boston ; but amid all vicissitudes one thing remained fixed and 
constant, her conviction that she was the person destined to 
teach and popularise Quimbyism. 

Mrs. Patterson's long visit at the home of Mrs. Sarah Crosby, 
at Albion, Me., has already been referred to in the fourth 
chapter of the present volume. She went to Mrs. Crosby's 
house in May, 1864, remaining there most of the summer and 
leaving in the early autumn. She then rejoined her husband, 
Dr. Patterson, at Lynn, Mass., where the doctor had begun 
to practise and had taken an office at 76 Union Street. In the 
Lynn Weekly Reporter, of June 11, 1864, the following ad 
vertisement appears for the first time: 





Would respectfully announce to the public that be has returned to 
Lynn, and opened an office in B. F. & G. N. Spinney's new building, on 
Union St., between the Central Depot & Sagamore Hotel, where he will 
be happy to greet the friends and patrons secured last year while in the 
offices of Drs. Davis and How, and now he hopes to secure the patronage 
of " all the rest of mankind " by the exhibition of that skill which close 
study and many years of first-class and widely-extended practice enable 
him to bring to the aid of the suffering. He is aware that he has to 
compete with able practitioners, but yet offers his services fearlessly, 
knowing that competition is the real stimulus to success, and trusting to 
his ability to please all who need Teeth filled, extracted or new sets. 
He was the first to introduce LAUGHING GAS in Lynn for Dental 
purposes and has had excellent success with it. Terms lower than any 
where else for the same quality of work. 

Dr. Patterson and his wife first boarded at 42 Silsbee Street, 
where they remained for some months, afterward moving to the 
house of O. A. Durall, in Buffum Street. 

The doctor's dental practice in Lynn was fairly good, and 
people liked him for a bluff, jovial fellow, none too clever, but 
honest and kind of heart. Both he and his wife were at this 
time prominent members of the Linwood Lodge of Good Tem 
plars, at Lynn, and old members of the lodge remember the 
active part which Mrs. Patterson took in their meetings. She 
was often called upon to read, or to speak on matters under 
discussion, and was always ready to do so. Her remarks never 
failed to command attention, and the Good Templars of Lynn 
considered her " smart but queer." Members of the lodge who 
are still living say that she discussed Quimbyism whenever she 
found opportunity to do so, and, although they were con 
siderably amused by her extravagant metaphors and could make 
nothing of her " philosophy," they had no doubt that it was 


very profound and recondite. It was when she was returning 
from one of these Good Templar meetings, February 1, 1866, 
that Mrs. Patterson had the fall from the effects of which she 
says she was miraculously healed. She, with a party of fellow 
Templars, was passing the corner of Oxford and Market Streets, 
when she slipped upon the icy sidewalk and fell. She was 
carried into the house of Samuel Bubier, where Dr. Gushing 
attended her, and the next day, at her urgent request, she 
was moved to the house on the Swampscott Road, where she 
and her husband were then boarding. It was on the following 
day, according to Mrs. Eddy's account, that she received her 
revelation, and in this house Christian Science was born. In 
the following spring the Pattersons took a room in the house 
of P. R. Russell, at the corner of Pearl and High Streets, Lynn. 
Here, after about two months, Dr. Patterson finally left his 
wife, and they never lived together after this time. In refer 
ring to her husband's desertion of her, Mrs. Eddy says : 

In 1862 1 my name was Patterson; my husband, Dr. Patterson, a dis 
tinguished dentist. After our marriage I was confined to my bed with a 
severe illness, and seldom left bed or room for seven years, when I was 
taken to Dr. Quimby, and partially restored. I returned home, hoping 
once more to make that home happy, but only returned to a new agony, 
to find my husband had eloped with a married woman from one of the 
wealthy families of that city, leaving no trace save his last letter to us, 
wherein he wrote " I hope some time to be worthy of so good a wife." 2 

1 Letter to the Boston Post, March 7, 1883. 

2 From Mrs. Eddy's statement it Is impossible to tell whether by " that city 
she means Sanbornton Bridge, where she returned after her first visit to 
Quimby, or Lynn, where she joined her husband after her second visit. Neither 
in Lynn nor Sanbornton Bridge do the people who know the Pattersons recall 
any elopement on Dr. Patterson's part. 1'. R. Russell, in whose house the 
Pattersons were living when the Doctor deserted his wife, says in his affidavit 

"While they were living at my house, Dr. Patterson went away and did 
not return. I do not know the cause of his going. I never heard that he 
eloped with any woman, and I never heard Mrs. Patterson say that he had 
eloped with any woman. Mrs. Patterson never said anything whatever to me 
on the subject of her husband's departure. I never heard anything against 
Dr. Patterson's character either then or since." 


After leaving his wife, Dr. Patterson went to Littleton, N. H., 
where he practised for some years. Afterward he led a roving 
life, wandering from town to town, until he at last went back 
to the home of his boyhood, at Saco, Me., where he secluded 
himself and lived the life of a hermit until his death in 1896. 

Bitter experience awaited Mrs. Patterson after her husband's 
desertion. Whatever may have been the cause for his leaving, 
Mrs. Patterson did not, at that time, claim the sympathy of 
her friends on account of it, and to her landlord and his wife 
she maintained silence on the subject, merely saying in answer 
to inquiries, that he had gone away. According to Mrs. Patter 
son's relatives, her husband went about the separation deliber 
ately, announcing his intention and his reason 3 to her family, 
and making what provision he was able for her support. 4 

In the fall of 1865 Mark Baker, Mrs. Patterson's father, 
died, and at about the same time her sister, Mrs. Tilton, closed 
her door forever against Mrs. Patterson. 5 Her only child, 
George Glover, at that time a young man, she had sent away 
in his childhood. Mrs. Patterson was, therefore, for the first 
time in her life, practically alone in the world and largely 
dependent upon herself for support. Untrained in any kind 
of paid work, she fell back upon the favour of her friends 
or chance acquaintances, living precariously upon their bounty, 
and obliged to go from house to house, as one family after 

3 To her family Dr. Patterson said that he was unable to endure life with 
Mrs. Patterson any longer. 

4 For several years after their separation Dr. Patterson gave his wife an 
annuity of $200, which was paid in small instalments. 

5 When Mrs. Tilton, who had taken care of Mrs. Patterson from childhood 
and supported her in her widowhood, finally turned against her sister, she 
was as hard as she had been generous before. " I loved Mary best of all 
my sisters and brothers," she said to her friends, " but it is all gone now." 
The bitterness of her feeling lasted to the day of her death. She instructed 
her family not to allow Mary to see her after death nor to attend her 
funeral, and her wishes were carried out. 


another wearied of her. For a while she stayed on at the 
Russells', but as she was unable to pay even the $1.50 a week 
rental which they charged her, she was served with eviction 
papers and dispossessed of her room within a month after 
Dr. Patterson's departure. Mr. Russell, her landlord, says that 
the matter of the rent was merely a pretext. He wished Mrs. 
Patterson to go because his wife, who had greatly admired her 
when she first came into the house, soon declared that she could 
not endure Mrs. Patterson's remaining there. His father, Rev. 
P. R. Russell, also strongly objected to Mrs. Patterson's pres 

The month of August, or a part of it, Mrs. Patterson spent 
with Mrs. Clark, in Summer Street, Lynn, and it was there that 
Dr. Gushing treated her for a severe cough. She next stayed 
with Mrs. Armenius Newhall, but soon afterward left the house, 
at Mrs. Newhall's request. 

Mrs. James Wheeler of Swampscott, in her own town known 
as " Mother " Wheeler from her gentle qualities and her eager 
ness to help and comfort every one, then offered Mrs. Patterson 
a shelter. 

At the Wheelers', as elsewhere, Mrs. Patterson talked con 
tinually of Quimby and declared that it was the ambition of 
her life to publish his notes on mental healing. Mrs. Julia 
Russell Walcott, a sister of Mrs. Patterson's former landlord, 
and an intimate friend of Mrs. Wheeler, says in her affidavit: 

Mrs. Patterson was the means of creating discord in the Wheeler 
family. She was unkind in her language to and treatment of Mrs. James 
Wheeler, at the same time exacting extra personal service and attention to 
her daily wants. 

One morning I sat in the parlour at the Wheeler house when Mrs. 


Patterson came down to breakfast. The family breakfast was over, but 
Mrs. Wheeler, according to her usual custom, had prepared a late breakfast 
for Mrs. Patterson. Mrs. Wheeler, Mrs. Patterson, and myself were alone 
in the house. I had come in late the previous evening and Mrs. Patterson 
did not know of my presence in the house. She entered the breakfast 
room from the hall, and began at once, and without any apparent cause, 
to talk to Mrs. Wheeler in a most abusive manner, using violent and 
insulting language. 

I immediately went into the breakfast room and commanded her to stop, 
which she did at once. I indignantly rebuked Mrs. Patterson and in 
formed her that I should tell Mrs. Wheeler's family of her conduct. 

Mrs. \Vheeler did not respond to Mrs. Patterson. 'To me she said, 
" Thank God, Julia, that you were here, this time. I have often borne 

Mrs. Patterson was, soon after this, requested to leave the Wheeler 
house, and did so. Mrs. Wheeler received nothing in payment for Mrs. 
Patterson's board. When Mrs. Wheeler asked Mrs. Patterson for a settle 
ment, Mrs. Patterson replied to the effect that she had " treated " a wounded 
finger for Mr. Wheeler and that this service was equivalent to what she 
had received from Mr. and Mrs. Wheeler, in board, lodging, etc. 

Upon leaving the Wheelers, Mrs. Patterson took refuge with 
the Ellis family. Mrs. Mary Ellis lived at Elm Cottage, 
Swampscott, with her unmarried son, Fred Ellis, master of a 
boys' school in Boston. Both she and her son were cultivated 
persons, and they felt a certain sympathy with Mrs. Patterson's 
literary labours. Wherever she went, Mrs. Patterson was pre 
ceded by the legend that she was writing a book. During 
the time which she spent with Mrs. Ellis, she remained in her 
room the greater part of each day, working upon the manu 
script which eight years later was to be published under the 
title, Science and Health. In the evening she often joined 
Mr. Ellis and his mother downstairs, and read them what she 
had written during the day, telling them of Dr. Quimby and 
his theories of mind and matter, and explaining how she meant 
to develop them. 


While in Lynn Mrs. Patterson continued to take an interest 
in Spiritualism. The older Spiritualists of Lynn remember 
her taking part as a medium in a circle which met at the home 
of Mrs. George Clark in Summer Street. Mrs. Richard Hazel- 
tine says : 6 

My husband, Richard Hazeltine, and I went to the circle at Mrs. Clark's 
and saw Mrs. Glover 7 pass into the trance state, and heard her com 
municate by word of mouth messages received from the spirit world, 
or what she said and we believed were messages from the spirit world. 
I cannot forget certain peculiar features of these sittings of Mrs. Glover's. 
Mrs. Glover told us, as we were gathered there, that, because of her 
superior spiritual quality, and because of the purity of her life, she could 
only be controlled in the spirit world by one of the Apostles and by Jesus 
Christ. When she went into the trance state and gave her communications 
to members of the circle, these communications were said by Mrs. Glover to 
come, through her as a medium, from the spirit of one of the Apostles or 
of Jesus Christ. 

Mrs. Mary Gould, a Spiritualist medium in Lynn, remembers 
that at one time Abraham Lincoln was one of Mrs. Glover's 

In the winter of 1866-67 Mrs. Patterson met Hiram Crafts 
at a boarding-house in Lynn. Crafts was a shoe-worker of East 
Stoughton, who had come to Lynn to work in a shoe factory 
there for the winter. Mrs. Patterson tried to interest every 
one she met in Quimby's theories and saw in the serious shoe 
maker a prospective pupil. What she told Crafts of this new 
system of doctoring appealed to him strongly ; he was a Spirit 
ualist and was deeply interested in psychic phenomena. After 
he returned home, he sent for Mrs. Patterson to come to East 

8 From the affidavit of Mrs. Richard Hazeltine of Lynn. 
7 Although Mrs. Patterson did not divorce Dr. Patterson until 1873, she 
resumed her former name of Glover soon after he went away. 


Stoughton and teach him. She joined the Crafts, accordingly, 
in the early part of 1867, and lived for some months in their 
home at East Stoughton now Avon instructing Mr. Crafts 
in the Quimby method of healing. Early in the spring Crafts 




Would say unhesitatingly, I can cure you, and 
have never failed to cure Consumption, Catarrh, 
Scrofula, Dyspepsia and Rheumatism, with 
many other forms of disease and weakness, in 
which I am especially successful. If you give 
me a fair trial and are not helped, I will re 
fund your money. 

The following certificate is from a lady in 
this city, 

Mrs. Raymond : 
H. S. CRAFTS, Office 90, Main street: 

In giving to the public a statement of my 
peculiar case, I am actuated by a motive to 
point out the way to others of relief from their 
sufferings. About 12 years since I had an 
internal abscess, that not only threatened to 
destroy my life at that time, but which has 
ever since continued to affect me in some form 
or another internally, making life well nigh a 
burden to bear. I have consulted many puysi- 
cians, all of whom have failed to relieve me of 
this suffering, and in this condition, while grow 
ing worse year by year, about three weeks ago 
I applied to Dr. H. S. Crafts, who, to my own, 
and the utter astonishment of my friends, has, 
in this incredibly short time, without medicines 
or painful applications, cured me of this chronic 
malady. In conclusion, I can only quote the 
words of a patient who was healed by his 
method of cure : " I am convinced he is a skill 
ful Physician, whose cures are not the result 
of accident." I reside in Taunton, at Weir 
street Railroad Crossing. 


Taunton, May 13, 1867. my!4-dT&S&wlm 

An advertisement of Hiram S. Crafts, which appeared in a Taunton 
newspaper, May 13, 1867. Mr. Crafts had moved from East Stoughton 
to Taunton, taking his wife and Mrs. Eddy with him. 

went to Taunton, taking his wife and Mrs. Patterson with him, 
and opened an office. He was the first of Mrs. Eddy's students 
to go into practice. His advertisement in a Taunton paper is 
reprinted herewith. Mrs. Patterson did not practise herself, 
but remained with the family to teach and advise Crafts. Con- 


cerning Mrs. Patterson and her relation to the Crafts, 8 Ira 
Holmes, brother of Mrs. Crafts, makes the following affidavit: 
Ira Holmes, being duly sworn, deposes and says: 

I am 76 years of age. I reside in Stoughton, Massachusetts. I first 
met Mrs. Mary Patterson, now known as Mary Baker G. Eddy, of Concord, 
New Hampshire, in the year 1867. She was then living at the home of Mr. 
and Mrs. Hiram S. Crafts in East Stoughton, which is now called Avon. 
Mrs. Hiram S. Crafts is my sister, and Hiram S. Crafts is a brother of 
my wife, Mrs. Ira Holmes. The two families were, therefore, intimately 
connected, and I was acquainted with what occurred in the Crafts home. 

Hiram Crafts and his wife, Mary Crafts, told me that they first met 
Mary Patterson in a boarding house in Lynn, Mass., where Hiram and 
Mary Crafts lived temporarily while Hiram Crafts was working in a Lynn 
shoe manufactory. Mr. and Mrs. Crafts were Spiritualists, and they have 
told me that Mrs. Patterson represented to them that she had learned a 
" science " that was a step in advance of Spiritualism. She wished to teach 
this science to Hiram Crafts, and after Mr. and Mrs. Crafts had returned 
from Lynn to their home in East Stoughton, Massachusetts, Mrs. Patterson 
came to their home for the purpose of teaching this new science to Hiram 
Crafts. I have heard her say many times, while she was living at Crafts' 
that she learned this science from Doctor Quimby. I have heard her say 
these words: "I learned this science from Dr. Quimby, and I can impart 
it to but one person." She always said this in a slow, impressive manner, 
pronouncing the word " person " as if it were spelled " pairson." 

From my sister, Mary Crafts, and her husband, Hiram S. Crafts, I 
learned that Hiram Crafts had entered into an agreement with Mrs. 
Patterson to pay her a certain sum of money for instructing him in 
Quimby's science. 

After Hiram Crafts had learned it, he took some patients for treatment, 
in East Stoughton, but in a short time he, with Mrs. Crafts and Mrs. 
Patterson, moved to Taunton, Mass., for the purpose of practising the 
healing system which Mrs. Patterson had taught him. I never knew 
of Mrs. Patterson treating, or attempting to treat, any sick person. I 
understood, from her and from Mr. and Mrs. Crafts, that she could 
not practise this science, but could teach it, and could teach it to only 
one person. 

While Mrs. Patterson lived in the home of Mr. and Mrs. Crafts, she 
caused trouble in the household, and urged Mr. Crafts to get a bill of 
divorce from his wife, Mary Crafts. The reason Mrs. Patterson gave for 

1 Hiram Crafts died last year. His widow is now living with a brother in 
Brockton, Mass. 


urging Mr. Crafts to divorce his wife was, that Mrs. Crafts stood in the 
way of the success of Mr. Crafts and Mrs. Patterson in the healing 
business. Mrs. Crafts, my sister, was gentle, kind, and patient, and in 
no way merited Mrs. Patterson's dislike of her. Mrs. Crafts waited upon 
Mrs. Patterson, did the housework and marketing, and in every way 
sought to advance the interests of her husband, Hiram S. Crafts. When 
Mrs. Crafts discovered that Mrs. Patterson was attempting to influence 
Mr. Crafts to apply for a divorce, she, my sister, Mary Crafts, prepared 
to pack up her possessions and to leave her husband's house. The result 
of this was that Mr. Crafts would not consent to lose his wife, and as 
Mrs. Crafts would not remain unless Mrs. Patterson went away, Mrs. 
Patterson was obliged to leave the home of Mr. and 'Mrs. Crafts. This 
was while they were residing in Taunton, Mass. After Mrs. Patterson's 
departure, Mr. and Mrs. Crafts returned to East Stoughton to live, and 
Hiram S. Crafts no longer practised the healing system taught by Mrs. 
I make this statement of my own free will, solely in the interest of 




STOUGHTON, February 7, 1907. 

Then personally appeared the above named Ira Holmes and acknowledged 
the foregoing instrument by him subscribed, to be his free act and deed, 

before iiic 

GEO. O. WENTWORTH, Notary Public. 

Many years afterward, when the Crafts were living in Hebron, 
N. H., and Mrs. Eddy had retired to Concord, N. H., she sent 
for Mr. Crafts and paid his expenses to Pleasant View to 
deliver into her hands his copy of the manuscript which she 
had used in teaching him, probably a copy of the Quimby 
manuscript, which he did. 

After leaving the Crafts, Mrs. Patterson seems to have 
gone to Amesbury to the home of Captain and Mrs. Nathaniel 
Webster. Concerning Mrs. Webster and Mrs. Patterson's stay 
at her house, Mrs. Mary Ellis Bartlett, a granddaughter of 
Mrs. Webster, makes the following affidavit: 


Mary Ellis Bartlett, being duly sworn, deposes and says: 

I am 55 years of age, and I am a citizen of Boston, Massachusetts. 
I am the daughter of William R. Ellis and Mary Jane Ellis, and the 
granddaughter of Captain Nathaniel Webster and Mary Webster, who 
for many years resided in Amesbury, Massachusetts. In the years between 
1865 and 1870 my grandparents, Captain and Mrs. Webster, were living 
in Amesbury, Mass., at what is now No. 5 Merrimac Street. Captain 
Webster was a retired sea captain, and at that time was superintendent of 
cotton mills in Manchester, New Hampshire, of which E. A. Straw, his 
son-in-law, who was later Governor of New Hampshire, was agent for 
many years. My Grandmother Webster was a well-known Spiritualist. 
Grandfather Webster was away from home, attending to his business in 
Manchester, much of the time, returning home to Amesbury about once 
in two weeks, to remain over Sunday. My grandmother was, therefore, 
much alone, and because of this, and for the further reason that she was 
deeply interested in Spiritualism in all its forms, she had at her house 
constant visitors and charity patients who were Spiritualists. Invalids, 
cripples, and other unfortunate persons were made welcome, and my 
grandmother took care of them when they were ill and lodged and 
boarded them free of charge. She had, or believed she had, spiritual 
communications in regard to their various ailments, which she followed 
in prescribing for them and in her treatment of them. My grandmother 
was what was called a " drawing medium " and a " healing medium." She 
drew strange pictures under the influence of the spirits. Many of these 
pictures are now in existence, and some of them are in my possession, 
having been given to me by my grandmother. 

Grandmother Webster had a room in her house which was used for spirit 
ual seances, and for all grandmother's spiritistic work. This room was on 
the ground floor, situated in the rear of the front parlour. It was decorated 
in blue, according to the direction of grandmother's spirit control, blue 
being a colour favoured by the spirits. The room was furnished with the 
usual chairs, tables, couch, etc., but this furniture was called by my 
grandmother and her Spiritualist friends, " spiritual furniture," because 
it was used only for spiritual purposes. There was a couch which grand 
mother called her " spiritual couch." She thought she could sleep upon 
it when she could not sleep elsewhere. Upon it she took her daytime 
naps, and sometimes during a restless night she was able to sleep if she 
lay upon this couch. There was a table in the room which was used for 
the laying on of hands by the Spiritualists at the seances held in the 
room, and there was an old chair which had belonged to Captain Webster's 
mother, in which grandmother always sat for her spirit communications. 
Above this room, which was known as the " spiritual room," was a bedroom. 

One night in the autumn of 1867, as nearly as I can fix the date, a 


woman, a stranger, came to my grandmother's door, and told her that 
she had been led by the spirits to come to her house, for the reason 
that it was " a nice, harmonious home." My grandmother, who was sympa 
thetic and hospitable, and, above all, a devoted Spiritualist, who would 
never turn another Spiritualist away, upon hearing this, exclaimed, " Glory 
to God ! Come right in ! " The woman thus admitted told my grandmother 
that she was Mrs. Mary Glover, a Spiritualist, and that she had been 
drawn as above described to my grandmother's house. Mrs. Glover did 
not explain further why she came and did not say from what place she 
had come. My grandmother gave her the use of the bedroom over the 
spiritual room, and also the use of the spiritual room. Here grandmother 
and Mrs. Glover continued to hold spiritualistic stances, in which Mrs. 
Glover took an active part, passing into the trance state and giving what 
grandmother believed to be communications from the spirits. 

Mrs. Glover became permanently settled at Grandmother Webster's 
house. She was treated as a guest, was waited upon, and was cared for 
in every respect. My Grandfather Webster, coming home and finding 
Mrs. Glover established in the house, was displeased because she was 
there. He told my grandmother that he did not want Mrs. Glover to 
remain. . . . But Mrs. Glover continued to live in the house, and 
after a few months, during which my grandmother's admiration for Mrs. 
Glover had begun to grow less, Mrs. Glover informed my grandmother 
that she had learned a new science which she thought was something 
beyond Spiritualism. She said she had learned it from Dr. Quimby of 
Portland, Maine, and that she had brought copies of some of his manu 
scripts with her. She talked about it and read the manuscripts to my 
grandmother, who did not, however, believe that the " science " was an 
improvement or a step beyond Spiritualism. From that time forward 
Mrs. Glover talked of Quimby's science. She was writing what she told 
grandmother was a revision of the Bible. She always sat in the spiritual 
chair at the spiritual table in grandmother's spiritual room to do her 
writing, and sometimes after she had written for hours, she would gather 
up all the pages she had filled with writing and tear them up, because 
she could not make them read as she wished. 

My father, William R. Ellis, was in 1867 living in New York, with 
his three children myself, my sister, and my brother. My mother had 
died three or four years before. Our family had always spent the summer 
school vacation at my grandparents' home in Amesbury, Mass., and when 
it was time for us to leave New York, my father always went to Amesbury 
in advance of the rest of us, in order to clear my grandmother's house 
of broken-down Spiritualists and sick persons, so that we might have 
enough room in the house and because he thought the atmosphere of so 
much sickness and Spiritualism was unwholesome for young children. 


My father, upon first seeing Mrs. Glover in the house, had told my 
grandmother that she, Mrs. Glover, should not be permitted to remain. 

My grandmother, upon being urged by my father 

and grandfather to dismiss Mrs. Glover, at last told her that she was no 
longer welcome and asked her to go away. Mrs. Glover ignored my grand 
mother's request and continued to live in the house 

Failing to succeed in getting Mrs. Glover to leave the house, my grand 
mother sent for my father. He arrived in the early evening of the follow 
ing Saturday. When grandmother had told him of the trouble and how 
Mrs. Glover refused to go away, she asked my father to see if he could 
not make Mrs. Glover leave the house. My father commanded Mrs. Glover 
to leave, and when she steadfastly refused to go, he had her trunk 
dragged from her room and set it outside the door, insisted upon her 
also going out the door, and when she was outside he closed the door 
and locked it. I have frequently heard my father describe this event 
in detail, and I have heard him say that he had never expected, in 
his whole life, to be obliged to put a woman into the street. It 
was dark at the time, and a heavy rain was falling. My grandparents 
and my father considered it absolutely necessary to take this step, harsh 
and disagreeable as it seemed to them. 

The above statement is made partly from my own personal knowledge, 
and partly from hearing it many, many times from my father, my grand 
mother, and my Grandfather Webster, who have related it to me and 
others of the family until it has come to be a well-known part of our 
family history. I make this statement of my own free will, solely in 
the interests of justice. 



Personally appeared the above named Mary Ellis Bartlett, and made 
oath that the foregoing statements covering eleven sheets, each of which 
is subscribed by her, are true to the best of her knowledge and belief, 
this sixth day of February, 1907. 

HERBERT P. SHELDOH, Notary Public. 

When Mrs. Glover was thus left without a lodging-place 
for the night, Mrs. Richardson, another of Mrs. Webster's 
Spiritualist guests, who was in the house at the time, was 


moved to compassion and took Mrs. Glover down the street 
to the house of Miss Sarah Bagley, a dressmaker, who was a 
fellow Spiritualist. 


/CLAIRVOYANT, Magnetic and Electric Physi- 
v cians, have recently furnished a house on 
Quincy avenue, in QUINCY, MASS., where they are 
still Healing the Sick with good success. Board 
and treatment reasonable. Address, QUI.XCY, 
MASS. 6w* June 6. 

ANY PERSON desiring to learn how to heal the 
sick can receiTe of the undersigned instructi6n 
that will enable them to commence healing on a 
principle of science with a success far beyond 
any of the present modes. No medicine, elec 
tricity, physiology or hygiene required for un 
paralleled success in the most difficult cases. No 
pay is required unless this skill is obtained. Ad 
dress, MRS. MARY B. GLOVER, Amesbury, Mass., 
Box 61. tff June 20. 

TV/TRS. MARY LEWIS, by sending their autograph, 
"-I- or lock of hair, will give psychometrical de 
lineations of character, answer questions, &c. 
Terms $1.00 and red stamp. Address, MARY 
LEWIS, Morrison, Whiteside Co., 111. 

June 20. 20w*. 

The above advertisement, in which Mrs. Eddy offers to teach a new 
kind of healing based on a " principle of science," appeared July 4, 1868, 
in the Banner of Light, the official organ of New England Spiritualists. 
Mrs. Eddy was then living at the home of the Websters in Amesbury, 
and the number of Captain Webster's post-office box was 61. 

Miss Bagley took the friendless woman into her home, and 
here, in addition to the small sum which she paid for her 
board, Mrs. Glover taught Miss Bagley the Quimby method 
of treating disease. Miss Bagley developed such powers as a 
healer that she soon abandoned her needle and began to practise 
" professionally." Mrs. Glover was generally known in Ames- 
bury as a pupil of Dr. Quimby, and it was rumoured in the 
village that before Mrs. Glover was through with her " science " 
she was going to walk on the waters of the Merrimac. Two 
Amesbury girls were so interested in this report that, one 


afternoon when Mrs. Glover attended some merrymaking on the 
river bank, they went down and lingered on the bridge, hoping 
that she might be tempted to try her powers on that festal 

To-day the Christian Scientists of Lynn draw a pathetic 
picture of the persecuted woman, driven from door to door, 
carrying her great truth in her bosom, and finding no man 
ready to receive it. And it is not to be wondered at that 
those who regard Mrs. Eddy as the recipient of God's most 
complete revelation, find here material for legend, and liken 
her wanderings to those of the persecuted apostles. 

There is no indication that these harsh experiences ever, 
in the least, subdued Mrs. Glover's proud spirit. Wherever 
she went, she took her place as the guest of honour, and she 
consistently assumed that she conferred favour by accepting 
hospitality. She did not hesitate to chide and reprimand mem 
bers of the families she visited, to criticise and interfere with 
the administration of household affairs. She seems never to 
have known discouragement or to have felt apprehension for the 
future, but was content with dominating the house in which 
she happened to be and with striving to win a following among 
the friends of the family. While she certainly cherished a 
vague, half-formulated plan to go out into the world some day 
and teach the Quimby doctrine, her imperative need was to con 
trol the immediate situation; to be the commanding figure 
in the lodge, the sewing-circle, the family gathering. The one 
thing she could not endure was to be thought like other people. 
She must be something besides plain Mrs. Glover, invalid, 
poetess, healer, propagandist, guest; she must be exceptional 


at any cost. Even while she was dependent upon precarious 
hospitality, Mrs. Glover managed to invest her person and her 
doings with a certain form and ceremony which was not without 
its effect. She spent much time in her room; was not always 
accessible; had her meals prepared at special hours; made 
calls and received visitors with a certain stress of graciousness 
and condescension. She had the faculty of giving her every 
action and word the tone of importance. She was now a woman 
of forty-seven ; her wardrobe was shabby and scant ; she still 
rouged her cheeks ; the brown hue of her hair was crudely 
artificial; her watch and chain and several gold trinkets were, 
with the Quimby manuscripts, her only treasures. Certainly, 
neither village gossips nor rustic humourists had spared her. 
But the stage did not exist that was so mean and poor, nor the 
audience so brutal and unsympathetic, that Mrs. Glover could 
not, unabashed, play out her part. 




WHEN Mrs. Glover left Amesbury, she went to Stoughton, 
to the home of Mrs. Sally Wentworth, whom she had met when 
she was with Hiram Crafts. Mrs. Wentworth had a consump 
tive daughter whom she took to Hiram Crafts for treatment, 
and in his house she met Mrs. Glover and became much interested 
in her system of healing. Her curiosity about the Quimby mind 
cure was not surprising, as she was a practical nurse and had 
much to do with illness. She was frequently called upon to 
care for the sick in the neighbourhood, and was locally famous 
for the comfort she could give them by rubbing their limbs and 
bodies. She was a Spiritualist and believed in the healing 
power of Spiritualism. " Old Ase Holbrook," a Spiritualist 
and clairvoyant " doctor," often asked Mrs. Wentworth to 
assist him in the care of his patients. In Mrs. Glover's system 
of healing she hoped to find something which she could put 
into beneficial practice in her work. Mrs. Glover went into Mrs. 
Wentworth's house to teach her the Quimby system for a con 
sideration of three hundred dollars, which sum was to cover 
her board and lodging for a considerable period of time. 

The Wentworth household then consisted of the parents and 



two children, Charles and Lucy, the daughter being about 
fourteen years of age. The married son, Horace T. Went- 
worth, often dropped in to see his mother, and Mrs. Went- 
worth's niece a spirited girl, now Mrs. Catherine Isabel Clapp, 
was in and out of the house continually. Mrs. Glover lived 
with the Wentworths for about two years, leaving them only 
to make occasional visits in the neighbourhood or at Amesbury. 
At first all the family took great pleasure in, her visit. Al 
though Mrs. Glover seldom held her friends long, and although 
her friendships often terminated violently, when she exerted 
herself to charm, she seldom failed. Mrs. Wentworth used re 
proachfully to declare to her less impressionable niece, " If 
ever there was a saint upon this earth, it is that woman." Both 
the children were fond of Mrs. Glover, but Lucy abandoned her 
self to adoration. The child followed her about, waited upon 
her, and was eager to anticipate her every wish, even at the 
cost of displeasing her parents. She resented the slightest 
criticism of their guest, and was deeply hurt by the jests which 
were passed in the village at Mrs. Glover's expense. 

Mrs. Glover's highly coloured speech, her odd clothes, and 
grand ways, her interest in strange and mysterious subjects, her 
high mission to spread the truths of her dead master, made 
her an interesting figure in a humdrum New England village, 
and her very eccentricities and affectations varied the monotony 
of a quiet household. Her being " different " did, after all, 
result in material benefits to Mrs. Glover. All these people 
with whom she once stayed, love to talk of her, and most of 
them are glad to have known her, even those who now say 
that the experience was a costly one. She was like a patch 

of colour in those gray communities. She was never dull, her 
old hosts say, and never commonplace. She never laid aside 
her regal air; never entered a room or left it like other people. 
There was something about her that continually excited and 
stimulated, and she gave people the feeling that a great deal 
was happening. 

Except for occasional angry outbursts, it was this engaging 
aspect of Mrs. Glover that, for many months, the Wentworths 
saw. She was tiresome only when she talked of Dr. Quimby, 
and then only because she discoursed upon him and his philos 
ophy so often. Mrs. Clapp describes how, after long disserta 
tions on mind and matter, Mrs. Glover would fold her hands 
in her lap, tilt her head on one side, and gently nodding, would, 
in mincing tones, enunciate this sentence: 

" I learned this from Dr. Quimby, and he made me promise 
to teach it to at least two persons before I die." 

She confided this fact to every one, always in the same phrase, 
with the same emphasis, and with the same sweetness, until it 
became a fashion for the village girls to mimic her. 

The estrangement which resulted in Mrs. Glover's leaving the 
house began in a difficulty between her and Mr. Wentworth. 
Mr. Wentworth was indignant because Mrs. Glover had at 
tempted to persuade his wife to leave him and to go away 
with her and practise the Quimby treatment. After this, Mrs. 
Glover's former kindly feeling toward the family seemed to 
disappear altogether. Mrs. Clapp remembers going to the 
house one day and being disturbed by the sound of violent 
pounding on the floor upstairs. Her aunt, with some em 
barrassment, explained that Mr. Wentworth was sick in bed, 


and that Mrs. Glover had shut herself in her room and was de 
liberately pounding on the floor above his head to annoy him. 
Other things of a similar nature occurred, and Mrs. Wentworth 
was finally compelled to ask Mrs. Glover to leave the house as 
soon as she could find another place to stay. Horace T. Went 
worth, in his affidavit, says: 

" Mrs. Wentworth consulted a member of the family as to the 
best way to bring about Mrs. Glover's departure. By this 
time my mother was almost in a state of terror regarding 
Mrs. Glover. She was so afraid of her that she hardly dared 
to go to sleep at night. She had a lock put on the door of 
her room so that Mrs. Glover could not get access to her, and 
ordered her to leave the house." 

Mrs. Glover chose for her departure a day when all the 
members of the Wentworth family were away from home. 
She took the train for Amesbury, without a word of good-bye 
to any one. When the Wentworths returned that night, they 
went to Mrs. Glover's room and knocked, but could get no 
reply. Horace, the son, suggested forcing the lock, but his 
mother would not permit it, saying that such a liberty might 
offend Mrs. Glover, who had probably gone to spend the night 
with one of the neighbours. The next day they inquired among 
their friends, but could get no news of their missing guest. 
Several days went by, and Mrs. Wentworth, becoming alarmed 
lest some mischance might have befallen Mrs. Glover, told her 
son to force the door and see if any clue to her whereabouts 
could be found in her room. 

Horace T. Wentworth, in his affidavit, thus describes his 
entering the room: 


A few days after Mrs. Glover left, I and my mother went into the 
room which she had occupied. We were the first persons to enter the 
room after Mrs. Glover's departure. We found every breadth of matting 
slashed up through the middle, apparently with some sharp instrument. 
We also found the feather-bed all cut to pieces. We opened the door 
of a closet. On the floor was a pile of newspapers almost entirely con 
sumed. On top of these papers was a shovelful of dead coals. These 
had evidently been left upon the paper by the last occupant. The only 
reasons that they had not set the house on fire evidently were because the 
closet door had been shut, and the air of the closet so dead, and because 
the newspapers were piled flat and did not readily ignite were folded 
so tight, in other words, that they would not blaze. 

Mrs. Clapp, in her affidavit, substantiates this statement. 

The Wentworths never saw or directly heard from Mrs. 
Glover again. 

While Mrs. Glover was in Stoughton, she apparently had 
no ambition beyond expounding Quimby's philosophy and de 
claring herself his disciple. She made no claim to having origi 
nated anything she taught. 

Although Mrs. Eddy now believes that she discovered the 
secret of health through divine revelation in 1866, she was 
often ill while in the Wentworth house, 1868-1870, and on 
several occasions was confined to her bed for considerable 
periods of time. During her illnesses Mrs. Wentworth nursed 
and cared for her, rubbing her and treating her after the 
Quimby method. 

During her stay in Stoughton she made no claim to having 
received a divine revelation, or to having discovered any 
system of her own. She seldom associated her teachings 
with religion as such, and preached Quimbyism merely 
as an advanced system of treating disease. In instructing 
Mrs. Wentworth she used a manuscript, which, she always 


said, had been written by " Dr. Quimby of Portland, Me." She 
held this document as her most precious possession. "One day 
when I was at the Wentworths'," recently said Mrs. Clapp, 
" Mrs. Wentworth was busy copying this manuscript. I went 
to the buttery to get what I wanted, but couldn't find it, and 
called Mrs. Wentworth. She got up to get it for me, but 
before doing so, she put the manuscript in the desk and locked 
it. I expressed surprise that she should take such pains when 
she was only stepping across the room for a moment, and she 
said : ' Mrs. Glover made me promise never to leave this manu 
script, even for a moment, without locking the desk.' ' 

Mr. Horace T. Wentworth of Stoughton now has his mother's 
manuscript. He has made affidavit 1 that this is the document 


Horace T. Wentworth, being duly sworn, deposes and says : 
I am sixty-four years of age, and reside in the Town of Stoughton, in the 
Commonwealth of Massachusetts, and have resided there for upwards of 
sixty-two years past. I am the son of Alanson C. and Sally Wentworth, and 
my mother resided in said town of Stoughton from her birth to the time of 
her death, in 1883. 

I became acquainted with Mrs. Mary Baker G. Eddy, now of Concord, N. H., 
and known as the Discoverer and Founder of Christian Science, in the year 

1868, when she was the wife of one Daniel Patterson, with whom she was 
not living, and was known by the name of a former husband, one George W. 
Glover, and called herself Mrs. Mary M. Glover. 

In 1867, Mrs. Glover came to Stoughton, and took up her residence at the 
house of one Hiram Crafts in said Town of Stoughton, and in 1868, after 
leaving said Crafts, she went upon the invitation of my mother, to the resi 
dence of said Mrs. Sally Wentworth, of said Stoughton, and there continuously 
resided until the spring of the year 1870. Very often during the years 1868, 

1869, and 1870, I saw and talked with said Mrs. Glover at my mother's said 
residence. Mrs. Wentworth invited said Mrs. Glover to visit her for the 
express purpose of being taught, by said Mrs. Glover, a system of mental 
healing, which said Mrs. Glover said she had been taught by one Dr. Phineas 
P. Quimby, of Portland, Me. Said Mrs. Glover often spoke to me of said 
system of mental healing and always ascribed its origin and discovery to said 
Quimby. Said Mrs. Glover was outspoken in her acknowledgment that she learned 
her mental healing system from said Quimby, and never, to my knowledge, 
while at my mother's house, made the slightest claim or pretensions to having 
discovered or originated it herself. 

Said Mrs. Glover, upon coming to my mother's house, lent my mother her 
manuscript copy of what she, Mrs. Glover, said were writings of said Quimby, 
and permitted my mother to make a full manuscript copy thereof, and said 
manuscript copy of the writings of said Quimby, in my mother's handwriting, 
and with corrections and interlineations in the handwriting of Mrs. Glover, is 
now, and has been since my mother's death, in my possession. 

On the outside, said copy is entitled " Extracts from Do_ctor P. P. Quimby's 
Writings," and at the head of the first page, on the inside, said copy is 


copied by his mother from Mrs. Glover's, and that he has him 
self heard Mrs. Glover attribute the original to Dr. Quimbj. 
His brother, Charles O. Wentworth ; his sister, Mrs. Arthur L. 
Holmes (then Miss Lucy Wentworth), and his cousin, Mrs. 
Catherine Isabel Clapp, have made affidavits to the same effect. 
This includes all members of the Wentworth household now 

The Wentworth manuscript itself powerfully supports these 
affidavits. Of chief interest are the title-page and the first 

further entitled " The Science of Man, or the Principle which Controls all 
Phenomena." There is a preface of two pages with Mrs. Mary M. Glover's 
name signed at the end. The extracts are in the form of fifteen questions 
and answers and are labelled, " Questions by patients, Answers by Dr. Quimby." 

Annexed hereto, marked " Exhibit A," is a full and complete copy of my 
mother's said copy of Mrs. Glover's said copy of Dr. Quimby's writings. . . . 

Annexed hereto and marked " Exhibit B " is a photograph of the first page 
of Mrs. Wentworth's manuscript plainly showing the additions made in a 
handwriting not my mother's. All of the said first page shown in Exhibit B 
Is my mother's handwriting except the words " Wisdom Love & " added to the 
beginning of the fifteenth line, the word " of " and the symbol " & " added to 
the sixteenth line and the words " is in it " added to the seventeenth line, 
none of which additions is in my mother's handwriting. 

Annexed hereto and marked " Exhibit C " is a photograph of the second page 
of said manuscript plainly showing further additions in a handwriting not 
my mother's. All of the said second page shown in Exhibit C is in my 
mother's handwriting except the words " wisdom love & " added to the second 
line, the word " believe " added to the eleventh line, none of which additions 
is in my mother's handwriting. 

I am perfectly familiar with my mother's handwriting ; but am not familiar 
enough with said Mrs. Glover's handwriting to state positively from my ac 
quaintance with it, that the said added words are written by her. This manu 
script, however, came directly into my hands from my mother's desk at the 
time of her death ; the added words are not in the handwriting of any member 
of my family ; they are, as will be seen, in the nature of corrections to my 
mother's writing of said Mrs. Glover's signed preface to Dr. Quimby's teach 
ings, and, having compared them with unquestionable writing of said Mrs. 
Glover's, found with my mother's papers, and seen them to be strikingly 
similar, I am confidently of the opinion that they are the writing of the only 
person interested in the correction of said Mrs. Glover's preface to said Dr. 
Quimby's writings, to wit, said Mrs. Mary M. Glover Mrs. Mary Baker G. 
Eddy herself. 

I have been often urged to make these facts known in the public interest, 
and have for years felt it my duty to tell the truth and the whole truth. . . . 


On this 9th day of February, 1907, at the Town of Stoughton, in the Com 
monwealth of Massachusetts, personally appeared before me, Horace T. Went 
worth, to me personally known, and made oath before me that he had read 
over the foregoing statement and knows the contents thereof, and that the 
same are true ; and he, thereupon, in my presence, did sign his name at the 
end of said statement, and at the foot of the cover. 

EDGAR F. LEONARD, Justice of the Peace. 

And before me a Notary Public appeared Horace T. Wentworth and made 
oath to above statement. ' HENEY W. BRITTON, Notary Public. 

Stought'iii, Muss. 

Feb. Qth, 1007. 


two pages, which are here reproduced in facsimile. The title- 
page reads, " Extracts from Doctor P. P. Quimby's Writings." 
On the first page of the manuscript appears the title, *' The 
Science of Man or the principle which controls all phenomena." 
Then follows a preface, signed " Mary M. Glover." Following 
this is a marginal note, " P. P. Q.'s Mss.," and at this point 
begins the Quimby paper. Others who have copies of this 
same document declare that Mrs. Glover taught from them 
and sold them as copies of Quimby's manuscript. 

By examining the pages reproduced in facsimile, the reader 
will observe that some one has edited them, that certain words 
are written in, not in the handwriting of Mrs. Wentworth. 
Beginning the fourth paragraph of the first page, are the 
words, " Wisdom Love & " ; two lines below this, are the words, 
" is in it " ; on the second page, second line, again, " wisdom 
love & " ; and on the eleventh line of the same page, " believe." 
Mrs. Clapp, who was familiar with Mrs. Glover's handwriting 
at the time, having copied many pages of her manuscript, takes 
oath that she believes these interlineations to be Mrs. Glover's. 
Mr. William G. Nixon of Boston, who, as the publisher for 
several years of Mrs. Eddy's books, handled thousands of pages 
of her manuscript, also takes oath that in his opinion these 
words are in her handwriting. George A. Quimby of Belfast, 
Me., has lent to the writer one of his father's manuscripts, 
entitled, " Questions and Answers." This is in the handwriting 
of Mr. Quimby's mother, the wife of Phineas P. Quimby, and 
is dated, in Mrs. Quimby's handwriting, February, 1862, nine 
months before Mrs. Eddy's first visit to Portland. For twenty 
closely written pages, Quimby's manuscript, " Questions and 


M.-1ne./*~ < 


/ O-/VJ 
fit iAJJ-tX- , 111( 

, ( 


iei~f**..i <*. 

Title page and part of the first page of the manuscript from which Mrs. 

Glover taught Mrs. Wentworth the system of mental healing 

which she ascribed to P. P. Quimby 


Answers," is word for word the same as Mrs. Glover's manu 
script, " The Science of Man." 2 

The relation of Quimby's " Questions and Answers " to the 
Christian Science doctrine will be discussed in a later chapter. 
The following quotations, taken at random, illustrate the fact 
that the Quimby manuscript abounds in ideas and phrases 
familiar to every Christian Scientist. 

If I understand how disease originates in the mind and fully believe 
it, why cannot I cure myself? 

Disease being made by our beliefs or by our parents' beliefs or by 
public opinion, there is no one formula of argument to be adopted, but 
every one must be hit in their particular case. Therefore it requires great 
shrewdness or wisdom to get the better of the error. 

I know of no better counsel than Jesus gave to His Disciples when 
He sent them forth to cast out devils, and heal the sick, and thus in 
practice to preach the Truth " Be ye wise as serpents and harmless as 
doves." Never get into a passion, but in patience possess ye your soul, and 
at length you weary out the discord and produce harmony by your Truth 
destroying error. Then it is you get the case. Now, if you are not afraid 
to face the error and argue it down, then you can heal the sick. 

The patient's disease is in his belief. 

Error is sickness. Truth is health. 

In this science the names are given thus: God is Wisdom. This Wisdom 
is not an individuality but a principle, embraces every idea form, of 
which the idea, man, is the highest hence the image of God, or the 

Understanding is God. 

All sciences are part of God. 

Truth is God. 

There is no other Truth but God. 

God is Wisdom. God is Principle. 

Wisdom, Love, and Truth are the Principle. 

Error is matter. 

Matter has no intelligence. 

To give intelligence to matter is an error which is sickness. 

Matter has no intelligence of its own, and to believe intelligence is in 
matter is the error which produces pain and inharmony of all sorts; to 

2 The manuscript Science of Man, from which Mrs. Glover taught, is not the 
same work as her printed pamphlet of that title. 


hold ourselves we are a principle outside of matter, we would not be 
influenced by the opinions of man, but held to the workings only of a 
principle, Truth, in which there are no inharmonies of sickness, pain or sin. 

For matter is an error, there being no substance, which is Truth, in a 
thing which changes and is only that which belief makes it. 

Christ was the Wisdom that knew Truth dwelt not in opinion, and 
that matter was but opinion that could be formed into any shape which 
the belief gave to it, and that the life which moved it came not from it, 
but was outside of it. 

In teaching Mrs. Wentworth, Mrs. Glover supplemented the 
Quimby manuscripts with oral instruction. She taught Mrs. 
Wentworth to rub her patient's head, precisely as did Quimby, 
and to say, as she did so : " It is not necessary for me to rub 
your head, but I do it to concentrate my thoughts." In addi 
tion she taught Mrs. Wentworth to lay her hands over the 
patient's stomach. 

Mrs. Eddy left a few scraps of writing at the Wentworths', 
all connected with her teachings. Of especial interest are the 
instructions which she wrote out to direct Mrs. Wentworth 
in treating the sick. These Mr. Horace T. Wentworth has in 
her own handwriting. The first two pages of this manuscript 
read as follows: (The spelling, punctuation, etc., follow the 
original MS.) 

An argument for the sick having what is termed fever chills and heat 
with sleepless nights, and called spinal inflammation. 

The patient has been doctoring the sick one patient is an opium eater, 
with catarrh, great fear of the air, etc. Another had inflammation of 
the joints or rheumatism, and liver complaint another scrofula and rheuma 
tism, and another dyspepsia, all of them having the most intense fear. 

First the fever is to be argued down. What is heat and chills we 
answer nothing but an effect produced upon the body by images of 
disease before the spiritual senses wherefore you must say of heat and 
chill you are not hot you are not cold you are only the effect of fright 
there is no such thing as heat and cold if there were you would not 


grow hot when angry or abashed or frightened and the temperature 
around not changed in the least. 

Inflammation is not inflammation or redness and soreness of any part 
this is your belief only and this belief is the red dragon the King of 
beasts which means this belief of inflammation is the leading lie out of 
which you get your fright that causes chills and heat. Now look it down 
cause your patient to look at this truth with you call upon their spiritual 
senses to look with your view which sees no such image and thus waken 
them out of their dream that is causing them so much suffering, etc. 

In her autobiographical sketches, Mrs. Eddy does not men 
tion the years she spent in Stoughton, Taunton, and Ames- 
bury. In Restrospection and Introspection, page 39, she says, 
after recounting the manner of her miraculous recovery and 
revelation in 1866: 

I then withdrew from society about three years, to ponder my mission, 
to search the Scriptures, to find the Science of Mind, that should take 
the things of God and show them to the creature, and reveal the great 
curative Principle, Deity. 

The record of these wandering, vagarious years from 1864 
to 1870 is far from being satisfactory biography; the number 
of houses in which she lived, her quarrels and eccentricities, 
by no means tell us the one thing which is of real importance: 
what, all this time, was going on in Mrs. Glover's own conscious 
ness. Wherever she went, she taught, now a shoemaker, now 
a dressmaker, now a boy in the box factory ; and wherever she 
went, she wrote. Her first book was not published until 1875, 
but for eight years before she was always writing; working 
upon articles and treatises which were eventually incorporated 
in this first edition of Science and Health. As early as 1866, 
when she was in Lynn, she said that she was writing a Bible, 
and was almost through Genesis. Several years later, at the 
Wentworths', she pointed affectionately to a pile of note-paper 


tied up with a string, which lay on her desk, and told Mrs. 
Clapp that it was her Bible, and that she had completed the 
Book of Genesis. Mrs. Clapp at that time copied for Mrs. 
Glover a bulky manuscript, which she believes was one of the 
early drafts of Science and Health. She recalls many passages, 
and remembers her amusement in copying the following passage, 
which now occurs on page 413 of Science and Health: 

The daily ablutions of an infant are no more natural or necessary than 
would be the process of taking a fish out of water every day and covering it 
with dirt in order to make it thrive more vigorously thereafter in its native 

After Mrs. Clapp had finished copying the manuscript, Mrs. 
Glover took it to Boston to find a publisher. Six hundred 
dollars, cash, in advance, was the only condition on which a 
publisher would undertake to get out the book, and Mrs. Glover 
returned to Stoughton and vainly besought Mrs. Wentworth 
to mortgage the farm to raise money. 

Mrs. Glover's persistence was all the more remarkable in 
that the trade of authorship presented peculiar difficulties for 
her. Although from her youth she had never lost an oppor 
tunity to write for the local papers, and although when she 
first went to Dr. Quimby she introduced herself to him as an 
" authoress," her contributions in the old files of the Lynn papers 
show that she had had no training in the elementary essentials 
of composition. The quoted extracts from her written in 
structions to Mrs. Wentworth are indicative of her difficulties 
with punctuation, which was always a laborious second thought 
with her. From her letters and early manuscripts it is evident 
that lucid, clean-cut expression was almost impossible to Mrs. 


Glover. Some of her first dissertations upon Quimbyism were 
so confused as to be almost unintelligible. She had, indeed, to 
fashion her own tools in those years when she was carpentering 
away at her manuscript and struggling to get her mass of notes 
into some coherent form. Her mind was as untrained as her 
pen. Logical thought was not within her compass, and even 
her sporadic ideas were vague and befogged. Yet, strangely 
enough, her task was to present an abstract theory, and to 
present it largely in writing. 

Everything depended upon her getting a hearing. In the 
first place, her doctrine was her only congenial means of making 
a living. In the second, it was the one thing about which she 
knew more than the people around her, and ft gave her that 
distinction which was necessary to her. Above all, she had a 
natural aptitude for the subject and absorbed it until it literally 
became a part of her. Mercenary motives were always strong 
with Mrs. Glover, but no mercenary motive seems adequately 
to explain her devotion to this idea. After Quimby's death in 
'66, his other pupils were silent; but Mrs. Glover, wandering 
about with no capital but her enthusiasm, was preaching still. 
Her fellow-students in Portland were people of wider experi 
ence than she, and had more than one interest; but only one 
idea had ever come very close to Mrs. Glover, and neither 
things present nor things to come could separate her from it. 
But Mrs. Glover had not the temperament of the dreamer and 
devotee. There was one thing in her stronger even than her 
monomania, and that was her masterfulness. Others of his 
pupils lost themselves in Quimby's philosophy, but Mrs. Glover 
lost Quimby in herself. 





WHEN Mrs. Glover left Stoughton early in the year 1870, 
she went directly to the home of her friend, Miss Sarah Bagley, 
in Amesbury, Mass. 

During her former stay in Amesbury, more than two years 
before, she had undertaken the instruction of a boy in whom 
she saw exceptional possibilities. When she first met Richard 
Kennedy, he was a boy of eighteen, ruddy, sandy-haired, with 
an unfailing flow of good spirits and a lively wit which did 
not belie his Irish ancestry. From his childhood he had made 
his own way, and he was then living at Captain Webster's 
and working in a box factory. Mrs. Glover recognised in him, 
as she did in every one she met, excellent capital for a future 
practitioner. He studied zealously with her while she remained 
at the Websters', and when she was compelled to leave the 
house, Kennedy, with Quixotic loyalty becoming his years, left 
with her. After she went to Stoughton, Mrs. Glover wrote to 
him often, and whenever he could spare the time, he went over 
from Amesbury to take a lesson. After her break with the 
Wentworths, Mrs. Glover at once sought him out. He was 
then her most promising pupil, and her only hope of getting 



the Quimby science upon any practical basis. Her experiment 
with Hiram Crafts had failed and she had not succeeded in 
her efforts to induce Mrs. Crosby in Albion, or Mrs. Wentworth 
in Stoughton, to give up their homes and go into the business 
of teaching and practising the Quimby system with her. What 
Mrs. Glover most wanted was a partner, and she now saw one 
in Richard Kennedy. He was nearly twenty-one and suffi 
ciently well-grounded in the principles of mind-cure to begin 
practising. Mrs. Glover had not, up to this time, achieved 
any success as a healer herself, and she had come to see that 
her power lay almost exclusively in teaching the theory. With 
out a practical demonstration of its benefits, however, the 
theory of her Science excited little interest, and it was in con 
junction with a practising student that she could teach most 
effectively. She entered into an agreement with young Kennedy 
to the effect that they were to open an office in Lynn, Mass., 
and were to remain together three years. 

In June, 1870, Mrs. Glover and Richard Kennedy went to 
Lynn. They stayed temporarily at the home of Mrs. Clarkson 
Oliver, whom Kennedy had known in Amesbury, while he looked 
about for suitable offices. He heard that Miss Susie Magoun, 
who conducted a private school for young children, had just 
leased a building on the corner of Shepard and South Common 
Streets and was desirous of subletting the second floor. Miss 
Magoun, now Mrs. John M. Dame of Lynn, remembers how 
one June evening, when she was looking over the building to 
decide upon the arrangement of her schoolrooms, a very boyish- 
looking young man appeared and nervously asked whether she 
intended to let a part of the house. He said he was looking 


for offices for a physician. Miss Magoun, misled by his youth 
ful appearance, at once supposed that he wanted the rooms 
for his father, which caused the boy some embarrassment. He 
told her that the five rooms upstairs would not be too many 
for him, as he should bring with him " an elderly woman who 
was writing a book," and they would each need offices and 
sleeping-rooms. Miss Magoun liked the boy's candour and told 
him he might move in. He drew a sigh of relief, telling her 
that so many people had refused him that he had almost lost 
heart. Even when Miss Magoun's friends prophesied that she 
would lose her rent, she did not repent of her bargain ; and 
she never afterward had occasion to do so. Miss Magoun's 
first meeting with Mrs. Glover occurred some days later, when 
her new tenants came to take possession of their rooms. As 
she was hurrying through the hall to her classroom, young 
Kennedy stopped her and introduced his partner. Mrs. Glover 
bowed and at once began to explain to her astonished landlady 
the Quimby theory of the universe and the non-existence of 

Kennedy's sign, which was put on a tree in the yard, read 
simply : " Dr. Kennedy." The rooms upstairs were very plainly 
furnished, for Mrs. Glover had no money and her student very 
little. They bought only such articles of furniture as were 
absolutely necessary, covered the floor with paper oil-cloth, and 
put up cheap shades at the windows. Much to Miss Magoun's 
surprise, patients began to come in before the first week was 
over, and at the end of the month Kennedy was able to pay 
his rent promptly. By the first of September the young man's 
practice was flourishing. Miss Magoun's school was in excel- 


lent standing, and the fact that his office was in the same build 
ing recommended the young practitioner, while she herself was 
glad to say a good word for him whenever she could. It 
became a common thing for the friends of discouraged invalids 
to say : " Go to Dr. Kennedy. He can't hurt you, even if he 
doesn't help you." His offices were sometimes so crowded that 
he would have to ask his patients to await their turn below 
in Miss Magoun's parlour. The children in the school were fond 
of him, and he often found time to run downstairs about dis 
missal hour and help Miss Magoun and her assistant get the 
younger pupils into their wraps and overshoes. He knew them 
all by name, and sometimes joined in their games. 

Mrs. Glover herself, during these first months, remained much 
in the background, a solitary and somewhat sombre figure, ap 
plying herself to her work with ever-increasing seriousness. 
For the first time she was free from pecuniary embarrassments, 
and she concentrated her energies upon her teaching, and 
writing with a determination which she had never before shown. 
She seldom went out of the house, was usually silent at Miss 
Magoun's dinner-table, and the school children, when they met 
her in the hall, hurried curiously past the grave, abstracted 
woman, who never spoke to them or noticed them. Far from 
relaxing in an atmosphere of comparative prosperity, she was 
impatient of the easy-going friendliness of the people about her. 
She was contemptuous of the active part which Kennedy took 
in the social life around him, and resented his having much to 
do with Miss Magoun's young friends. She continually urged 
him to put aside every other interest and concentrate himself 
wholly upon Science. She was annoyed at the women patients 


who came often for treatment, and when she saw them sitting 
in the front office awaiting their turn, she sometimes referred 
to them as " the stool-pigeons." She began in these days to 
sense the possibilities of the principle she taught, and to see 
further than a step ahead. She often told Kennedy that she 
would one day establish a great religion which would reverence 
her as its founder and source. " Richard," she would declare, 
looking at him intently, " you will live to hear the church-bells 
ring out my birthday." And on July 16, 1904, they did 
her own bells, in her own church at Concord. 

The feeling of at last having her foot in the stirrup seemed 
to crystallise and direct Mrs. Glover's ambition as adversity 
had never done. She had something the world had waited for, 
she told Kennedy, and she meant to make the world pay for it. 
She often declared that she had been born an unwelcome child, 
and that from the first every man's hand had been against her. 
Although she was in her fiftieth year, Mrs. Glover had not 
reached the maturity of her powers. During these early years 
in Lynn she becomes in every way a more commanding and 
formidable person. Since she no longer had to live by her 
wits, certain affectations and ingratiating mannerisms became 
less pronounced. The little distinction for which she had 
fought so tenaciously, and which she had been put at such 
shifts to maintain, was now respectfully admitted by all her 
students and by some even reverently. She began to dress 
better. Her thin face filled out, her figure lost its gauntness 
and took on an added dignity. People who were afraid of her 
complained that her " hawk-eye " looked clear through them, 
and persons who admired her compared her eye to an eagle's. 


Once relieved of the necessity of compelling attention from 
hither and yon, she conserved her powers and exerted herself 
only when she could hope for a commensurate result. In follow 
ing her through the six years prior to 1870, one is struck with 
her seeming helplessness against herself and against circum 
stances, and with the preponderant element of blind chance in 
her life. Before she had been in Lynn a year, she had come 
to work with some sort of plan, and her life was more orderly 
and effective than it had ever been before. Her power was 
one of personality, and people were her material; her church, 
which so persistently denies personality, is built upon it. Her 
abilities were administrative rather than executive, and without 
a cabinet she exemplified the old fable of the impotence of 
the head without the body. 

Mrs. Glover at first called the thing she taught merely 
" science," but when she had her professional cards printed they 



Her first students in Lynn were persons whom Richard Ken 
nedy had cured or friends of his patients. The case of two 
young men in her first class will serve to illustrate. Mrs. 
Charles S. Stanley, who was suffering from tuberculosis in an 
advanced stage, was greatly benefited by Kennedy. She en 
treated her husband and her half-brother to take instruction 
under Mrs. Glover, and they did so. Her husband at first felt 
that he had an aptitude for the subject and eventually became 


a practising student. As to the half-brother, George Tuttle, 
Mrs. Glover felt that there she had cast her seed upon stony 
ground ; and certainly he must have been an incongruous figure 
in the little circle which met in her rooms to " unlearn matter." 
A stalwart, strapping lad, he had just returned from a cruise 
to Calcutta on the sailing vessel John Clark, which carried 
ice from Boston Harbour to the Indies. The young seaman, 
when asked what he thought he would get out of Mrs. Glover's 
class, replied that he didn't think about it at all, he joined 
because his sister asked him to. He even tried, in a bashful way, 
to practise a little, but he says that when he actually cured 
a girl of dropsy, he was so surprised and frightened that he 
washed his hands of Moral Science. 

Mrs. Glover's course consisted of twelve lectures and extended 
over a period of three weeks. Her students were required to 
make a copy of the Quimby manuscript which Mrs. Glover called 
" The Science of Man," and although each was allowed to 
keep his copy, he was usually put under a formal three-thousand- 
dollar bond not to show it. As soon as the student had taken 
the final lesson, Mrs. Glover addressed him or her as " Doctor," 
and considered that a degree had been conferred. Often she 
wrote her students a congratulatory letter upon their gradua 
tion, addressing them by their newly acquired titles. 

The members of her first class in Lynn each paid one hundred 
dollars for the lessons. Each also agreed to give Mrs. Glover a 
percentage on the income from his practice. Tuttle and Stan 
ley executed an agreement with her which was substantially in 
the following words : 

" Lynn, Aug. 15, 1870. We, the undersigned, do hereby 


agree in consideration of instruction and manuscripts received 
from Mrs. Mary Baker Glover, to pay one hundred dollars in 
advance and ten per cent, annually on the income that we re 
ceive from practising or teaching the science. We also agree 
to pay her one thousand dollars in case we do not practise 
or teach the above-mentioned science that she has taught us. 
(Signed) G. H. Tuttle, Charles S. Stanley." 

Trouble arose between George Tuttle and Charles Stanley 
and their teacher, and Mrs. Glover dismissed Stanley from 
the class. Although he afterward practised mental healing 
with some success, it was not with Mrs. Glover's sanction, and 
he finally became a homreopathic physician. In 1879 Mrs. 
Glover brought a suit in equity in the Essex County Court 
against Tuttle and Stanley for unpaid tuition. Judge George 
F. Choate, 1 the referee in the case, at his death left among 
his papers his book of minutes on this case of " Mary B. Eddy 
vs. G. H. Tuttle et al." written out in long hand, which throws 
light on Mrs. Glover's methods of teaching and on her relation 
to her pupils. Judge Choate's notes on Stanley's testimony 
are in part as follows : 

I went to Mrs. Eddy for the purpose of taking lessons She pretended 
to teach me She never taught me anything I never told anybody I prac 
tised her method. 

I was acquainted with Dr. Kennedy in Lynn. He practised physical 
manipulation. He first led me to commence practice, etc. My wife was 
doctored by Dr. Kennedy My wife told me Mrs. Eddy wanted to see me. 
I went, and Mrs. Eddy said she was about starting a class for others 
like me She said she had manuscripts, not books, etc. She said she 
taught setting bones and obstetrics she said she could teach me in six 
weeks to be as good a physician as any in the city. She wanted $100. 
I said I was too poor and could not pay I left. My wife and I went 

1 George F. Choate of Salem was for many years probate judge in Essex 
County, Mass. 


again in the evening, and she urged me finally I paid her $25 advance. 
Then I saw Tuttle with a manuscript. He said to get one to copy. I 
got paper. I asked her to postpone my lessons till, etc. She said you 
don't require to eat in order to live. I said yes. She said she had 
got so far that she could live without eating. She called me and Tuttle 
to a room, showed me a paper. When she asked us to sign, I objected 
She said when we had learned this and the other one (manuscript) which 
she would have for us, she would go with us and find a place, etc., and 
on these conditions, i. e., that she would teach us obstetrics, setting 
bones, and would go with us and find place, etc., I signed the agreement. 2 

She said she always went with students to see them well located, that 
she required this agreement that she furnished other manuscripts, that this 
one was only a commencement. 

She turned me out of the class at the end of three weeks. She told 
me I couldn't practise her method anyway because I was a Baptist We 
were to have a six weeks' course, and it was at end of two weeks she 
told me to leave. 

Finding that I could have a good effect upon my wife when she was 
sick and would have severe coughing spells, I thought likely I could have 
a good effect upon others. I saw what was in those manuscripts and 
asked her when the others she spoke of were coming. I asked her what 
to do if called to a person with a broken limb She said if so, tell them 
there isn't any broken limb, that it is all belief, etc. 

The testimony of George H. Tuttle, in the same suit, is 
recorded in Judge Choate's minutes as follows: 

In 1870 I knew Mrs. Eddy was a student of hers. My sister was 
being attended by Dr. Kennedy, and through my sister I was induced 
to go up to Mrs. Eddy's with Dr. Stanley and my sister. We signed 
an agreement This is the agreement She showed us how all diseases 
could be cured and that there was no sort of disease that she could not 
cure Said that she would make us more successful than any physician. 

The instructions were simply that we were to understand the teachings 
of the manuscript and that fully understanding it we should be able 
to heal all disease We took lessons for a week and a half to two weeks, 
in the evenings only, but every day, I think There used to be an abundance 
of talk between her and Stanley Considerable misunderstanding about 
payments and about his religion. She said that he couldn't be a success 
in this line so long as he adhered to the Baptist faith. 

a The text of this agreement is given above. 


She said she could walk on the water Could live without eating He 
disputed with her Offered to stand it without eating as long as she, and 
she backed down She was to enable us to heal all diseases bone-setting 
obstetrics and to treat everything successfully, and she was to go with 
us and see that we had success. 

She used to hold up consumption and tell us that there was no such 
thing as lungs no liver and they were all imagination She became 
dissatisfied sometimes with him (Stanley) and sometimes with me Finally 
she recalled the manuscripts, claiming that she wanted to make some 
alterations. I haven't got mine back, but she gave me another one finally. 
This is the one. Our instructions ceased She had taken our manuscripts, 
and we were literally turned out I learned from Stanley that he had 
been dismissed. 

We went to see her and demanded our manuscripts Did not get them 
She complained of him, said she was dissatisfied that he had fallen from 
grace and was going back on it was attracted to the Baptist belief, 
etc., and he could not go on Dr. Stanley and I went up together for 
the manuscripts. I don't remember the talk, but there were faultfindings. 

She was dissatisfied with him because he didn't pay and with his 
dulness and inability to comprehend it (her Science) In the first place 
she had held out to us that the knowledge of her principle and the 
possession of this power would surely attract patients to us, so that we 
couldn't fail to get patients She said she had seen the dead raised I 
didn't know if dead could be raised I in part believed that those appar 
ently dead had been raised. 

I got treatment by Dr. Kennedy In as much as she sent us out to 
Dr. Kennedy for a (practical) example, I suppose, She taught rubbing, 
putting hand in water and upon the stomach, etc. 

She claimed that Stanley must surrender everything, surrender the 
Baptist as every other creed At the time we went for our manuscripts 
we were both turned out Stanley gave her a piece of his mind told her 
she was a fraud, etc. 

I never regularly practised, because I never understood it. 

Stanley said to her she was a fraud in getting the manuscripts back 
and generally He was very mistrustful throughout. I don't think he had 
studied even the three weeks out. 

She said she would give us other manuscripts in reference to bone 
setting I don't remember what she said about obstetrics; she said generally 
that he would have only to walk into the room and be filled with the 
understanding, and all pain would disappear I don't know but that some 
thing further was to be done in cases of bone setting. 

When Mrs. Eddy took the stand, she said : 


I told the defendant it was a very good method and better than I had 
found before of healing sick. I taught him the method. I told him it 
was through the action of mind upon the body Don't recollect that I said 
it would cure all diseases. I didn't limit or unlimit it. I don't know 
that I meant for him to understand that it will heal everything I presume 
I intended him to understand that it was a better method than any other. 
I don't think I ever told any student that it would heal every disease. 
I cannot give you an explanation you have not studied it. The principle 
is mind operating on the body. 

The mind is cause of disease Through mind scarlet fever and diph 
theria are cured I have found that through the action of mind I could 
cure, as I have done, apoplexy, paralysis, etc., Heart disease, enlargement 
of heart, consumption are cured by mind I have cured cases of con 
sumption found hopeless by action of mind, blindness, deafness, etc. 

The Prisoner of Chillon found that gray hairs are produced through 
the mind I haven't tried my system on old age yet. 

I didn't promise to teach him bone setting or obstetrics. Nor that I 
would furnish other manuscripts, nor that I would go with him to find 
his place, etc. Might have said I would make him a good physician 
I taught him the application of hands and water He told me he hadn't 
the means to pay me and that if I would take him by installments, he 
would study I didn't dismiss him, but he said " I understand enough 
now to do more than any of your students," that he knew enough now 
to go right into practice. 

I never taught mesmerism. I did teach the laying on of hands not 
with power I did teach manipulation in 'sixty-seven, 'sixty-eight and 
'sixty-nine and in 'seventy I ceased I can't tell the date Can't tell if 
'seventy, 'seventy-one. 

I did teach Mr. Stanley manipulation that was not my principle, it 
was my method My method was metaphysical I taught it I don't know 
for what it was because I saw a hand helped me I thought it was a 
good method I can't say whether it is a science, I can't say whether 
a part or the whole of it is a science if it is practised right it is a 
science that part which is effective and heals the sick is a science I 
don't know as I can explain it. I do not claim it as a discovery (manipula 
tion), I had known of it always. Can't tell if I knew of this will power 
before I knew Dr. Quimby It is not always necessary to know what is 
the belief. 

I should generally require them (my students) to keep the ten com 
mandments Should require them to be moral. 

I can argue to myself that striking my hand upon the table will not pro 
duce pain I don't think I could produce the effect that this knife would not 
produce a wound, but that I could argue myself out of the pain. I have not 


claimed to have gone as far as that. I have said that belongs to future time. 
I can alleviate I cannot prevent a broken bone. I would send for a surgeon 
and set the bone and after that I would alleviate the pain and inflammation. 
Can't do more in my present development / have seen the dead in 
understanding raised 3 The infant is the son of the parent and the 
parents' mind governs its mind Through the parents' mind I cure the 

Before 1872 I taught manipulation and the use of water. 

That was not all I taught I never said that was the science, but I 
said it was a method, and until I saw a student doing great evil, etc.* 

Richard Kennedy in his testimony said: 

I went to Lynn to practise with Mrs. Eddy. Our partnership was only 
in the practice, not in her teaching. 

I practised healing the sick by physical manipulation The mode was 
operating upon the head giving vigorous rubbing This was a part of her 
system that I had learned The special thing she was to teach me was 
the science of healing by soul power I have never been able to come 
to knowledge of that principle She gave me a great deal of instruction 
of the so-called principle, but I have not been able to understand it She 
claimed that it would cure advanced stages of consumption and the worse 
cases of violent disease, that these were but trifles under her Science. 

I was there at the time Stanley was there I made the greatest effort 
to practise upon her principle, and I have never had any proof that I 
had attained to it or had any success from it. 

I had nothing to do with the instructions She told me that she had 
expelled Mr. Stanley from the class of his incompetency to understand 
her science that it was impossible to convince him of the folly of his 
times that his faith in a personal God and prayer was such that she 
could not overcome it She used the word Baptist in connection with him 
because he was a Baptist but it was the same with all other creeds. 

So long as they believed in a personal God and the response to prayer, 
they could not progress in the scientific religion I performed the manipu 
lation of Mr. Stanley as follows: 

Mrs. Eddy requested me to rub Mr. Stanley's head and to lay special 
stress upon the idea that there was no personal God, while I was rubbing 

I never entirely gave up my belief in a personal God, though my belief 
was pretty well shaken up. 

3 See letter to W. W. Wright on page 149. 

4 Reference to Richard Kennedy. 


In rendering a decision in favour of Tuttle and Stanley, 
Judge Choate said: 

Upon a careful examination I do not find any instructions given by 
her nor any explanations of her " science " or " method of healing " which 
appear intelligible to ordinary comprehension, or which could in any way 
be of value in fitting the Defendant as a competent and successful prac 
titioner of any intelligible art or method of healing the sick, and I am 
of opinion that the consideration for the agreement has wholly failed,, and 
I so find. 

Within a few weeks after her first class was organised, Mrs. 
Glover raised her tuition fee to three hundred dollars, which 
price was never afterward changed. Concerning her reasons 
for fixing upon this sum, Mrs. Eddy says : 

When God impelled me to set a price on my instruction in Christian 
Science Mind-healing, I could think of no financial equivalent for an 
impartation of a knowledge of that divine power which heals; but I was 
led to name three hundred dollars as the price for each pupil in one 
course of lessons at my college, a startling sum for tuition lasting barely 
three weeks. This amount greatly troubled me. I shrank from asking 
it, but was finally led, by a strange providence, to accept this fee. 

God has since shown me, in multitudinous ways, the wisdom of this 
decision; and I beg disinterested people to ask my loyal students if they 
consider three hundred dollars any real equivalent for my instruction 
during twelve half-days, or even in half as many lessons. 5 

In 1888 Mrs. Eddy reduced the course of twelve lessons to 
seven, but the tuition fee still remained three hundred dollars. 
In the Christian Science Journal for December, 1888, she pub 
lished the following notice: 

Having reached a place in teaching where my students in Christian 
Science are taught more during seven lessons in the primary class than they 
were formerly in twelve, and taught all that is profitable at one time, 
hereafter the primary class will include seven lessons only. As this number 
of lessons is of more value than twice this number in times past, no change 
is made in the price of tuition, three hundred dollars. Mary Baker G. 

6 Retrospection and Introspection, p. 71. 


Most of Mrs. Glover's early students were artisans; many 
of them shoe-workers. Lynn was then a city of about thirty 
thousand inhabitants, and shoemaking was, as it now is, the 
large and characteristic industry. Many of the farmers about 
the country had little shoeshops in their backyards, and during 
the winter season took out piecework from the factories. The 
majority of the village and country boys had had something to 
do with shoemaking before they went into business or chose a pro 
fession, and when Whittier went from the farm to attend the 
academy at Haverhill, he was able to pay his way by making 
slippers. Among Mrs. Glover's first students were S. P. Ban 
croft, a shoe-worker; George W. Barry, foreman in a shoeshop; 
Dorcas Rawson, a shoe-worker, and her sister Mrs. Miranda R. 
Rice ; Charles S. Stanley, a shoe-worker ; Miss Frances Spinney, 
who had a shop in which she employed a score of girls to sew 
on women's shoes ; Mrs. Otis Vickary ; George H. Allen, who 
was employed in his father's box factory, and Wallace W. 
Wright, then accountant in a bank. 

Liberal religious ideas flourished in New England thirty-five 
years ago, and although one woman left the class because 
" Mrs. Glover was taking Christ away from her," most of the 
students were ready to accept the idea of an impersonal God 
and to deny the existence of matter. Even Dorcas Rawson, 
who was an ardent Methodist and had " professed holiness," 
unhesitatingly accepted the statement that God was Principle. 

From the very beginning of her teaching Mrs. Glover had 
with her students those differences which later made her career 
so stormy. After the defection of Stanley and Tuttle, Mrs. 
Vickary, dissatisfied with her instruction, sued for and recov- 


ered the one hundred and fifty dollars which she had paid 
in advance for tuition. 6 Wallace Wright, one of the most 
intelligent of her early students, publicly attacked in the Lynn 
press the " Moral Science," as it was then called, which he had 
studied under Mrs. Glover. 

Wallace W. Wright was the son of a Universalist clergyman 
of Lynn, and a brother of Carroll D. Wright, who afterward 
became United States Commissioner of Labour. He was re 
garded as one of the most promising young business men in 
Lynn, when he was drowned in the wreck of the City of Colum 
bus, off Gayhead Light, January 18, 1884. When he first 
studied under Mrs. Glover, he was very enthusiastic over her 
Science and, much to his own surprise, made several successful 

Before he entered her class, he had made careful inquiries 
about the nature of what she taught. Both he and his father 
were interested in her claims and wished to pin Mrs. Glover down 
to exact statements concerning her Science. He wrote her a 
letter, asking her nine questions, and requesting an answer to 
each in writing. 

(Here follow the most significant of Mr. Wright's questions, 
together with Mrs. Glover's answers') : 7 

QUESTION 1 Upon what principle is your science founded? 
ANSWER 1 On God, the principle of man. 

The suit, Mrs. Otis Vickary versus Mary M. B. Patterson, was entered In 
the Lynn Police Court on August 3, 1872. (Mrs. Clover had not yet obtained 
legal right to use her former name.) The Lynn Five Cent Savings-Bank was 
summoned as Trustee. Both the Savings-Rank and the Defendant were de 
faulted, apparently for failure to appear and answer, and judgment was ren 
dered for the Plaintiff, and execution issued for the amount of $150 and $5.73 
for costs, on August 9th. 

7 Mr. Wright's sixth question and Mrs. Glover's answer, in which she ad 
mits that Dr. Quimby practised her Science and had made it a subject of re 
search for twenty-five years, was quoted on page 101. 


QUESTION 2 Is a knowledge of anatomy necessary to the success of 
the student or practitioner? 

ANSWER 2 It is a hindrance instead of help, anatomy belongs to 
knowledge, the Science I teach, to God, one is the tree whereof wisdom 
forbade man to partake, the other is the " tree of life." 

QUESTION 3 Will it meet the demands of extreme, acute cases? 

ANSWER 3 Yes, beyond all other known methods of healing; it is 
in acute and extreme cases that this science is seen most clearly in its 
demonstrations over matter. 

QUESTION 4 Is a knowledge of disease necessary to effect cures? 

ANSWER 4 This " knowledge " is what science comes to destroy. 

QUESTION 7 Does it admit of universal application? 
ANSWER 7 Yes, even to raising or restoring those called dead. I have 
witnessed this myself, therefore I testify of what I have seen. 8 

In June, 1871, Mr. Wright went to Knoxville, Tenn., and 
there entered into practice. Of this experience he afterward 
wrote : 

The 9th of last June found me in Knoxville, Tennessee, as assistant 
to a former student. We met with good success in a majority of our 
cases, but some of them utterly refused to yield to the treatment. Soon 
after settling in Knoxville I began to question the propriety of calling 
this treatment " Moral Science " instead of mesmerism. Away from the 
influence of argument which the teacher of this so-called science knows 
how to bring to bear upon students with such force as to outweigh any 
attempts they may make at the time to oppose it, I commenced to think 
more independently, and to argue with myself as to the truth of the 
positions we were called upon to take. The result of this course was to 
convince me that I had studied the science of mesmerism.' 

Wright accordingly wrote to Mrs. Glover from Knoxville, 
asking her to refund the three hundred dollars which he had paid 
for his tuition and also to compensate him for the two hundred 
dollars which his venture had cost him. On his return to Lynn 

8 In Mrs. Eddy's testimony in her suit against Stanley and Tuttle, printed in 
this article, she states that she has seen the dead in understanding awaken 
through her Science. See page 145. 

9 Lynn Transcript, January 13, 1872. 


he called upon Mrs. Glover and repeated this request. On 
January 13, 1872, Mr. Wright published a signed letter in 
the Lynn Transcript, stating that he believed Moral Science 
and Mesmerism to be one and the same thing, and warning 
other students against being misled. Mrs. Glover replied to 
this letter in the same paper, January 20th, stating that Mr. 
Wright had made an unreasonable demand to which she had 
refused to accede, and that he was now attacking her Science 
from motives of revenge: 

"Tis but a few weeks since he called on me and threatened that if I 
did not refund his tuition fee and pay him $200 extra he would prevent 
my ever having another class in this city. Said he, " my simple purpose 
now is revenge, and I will have it " and this, too, immediately after 
saying to individuals in this city that the last lesson the class received 
of which he was a member, was alone worth all he had paid for tuition. 
. . . Very soon after this, however, I received a letter from him 
requesting me to pay him over and above all I had received from him, or 
in case I should not, he would ruin the Science. I smiled at the threat 
and told a lady at my side, "If you see him, tell him first to take a 
bucket and dip the Atlantic dry, and then try his powers on this next 
scheme." . . . 

My few remaining years will be devoted to the cause I have espoused, 
viz: to teach and to demonstrate the Moral and Physical Science that 
can heal the sick. Well knowing as I do that God hath bidden me, I 
shall steadfastly adhere to my purpose to benefit my suffering fellow- 
beings, even though it be amid the most malignant misrepresentation and 



This controversy continued several weeks, occupying columns 
of the Transcript, and on February 10th, Mr. Wright issued 
the following challenge: 

And now in conclusion I publicly challenge Mrs. Mary Baker Glover 
to demonstrate her science by any of the following methods, promising, 
if she is successful, to retract all I have said, and humble myself by 
asking forgiveness publicly for the course I have taken. Her refusal to do 
this, by silence or otherwise, shall be considered a failure of her cause: 


1st: To restore the dead to life again as she claims she can. 
2nd: To walk upon the water without the aid of artificial means as 
she claims she can. 

3rd: To live 24 hours without air, or 24 days without nourishment of 
any kind without its having any eifect upon her. 
4th: To restore sight when the optic nerve has been destroyed. 
5th: To set and heal a broken bone without the aid of artificial means. 

I am, respectfully, 


At this point Mrs. Glover retired from the controversy, 
but five of her students, George W. Barry, Amos Ingalls, George 
H. Allen, Dorcas Rawson, and Miranda Rice wrote a protest 
to the Lynn Transcript, February 17th, ignoring Mr. Wright's 
challenge, but defending their teacher and her Science, and 
declaring that his charges against both were untrue. Mr. 
Wright had the last word and ended the controversy, February 
24th, by exultantly declaring that Mrs. Glover and her Science 
were practically dead and buried ; which certainly suggests that 
the gift of prophecy was denied him. 

Mrs. Glover's pen at this period was not employed exclusively 
in controversy. In the Lynn Transcript, November 4, 1871, 
appear the following verses : 


Beautiful grapes would I were thee, 

Clustering round a parent stem, 
The blessing of my God to be, 

In woodland, bower or glen; 

Where friend or foe had never sought 

The angels " born of apes," 
And breathed the disappointed thought, 

Behold! They're sour grapes. 


And such, methinks, e'en Nature shows 

The fate of Beauty's power 
Admired in parlour, grotto, groves, 

But faded, O how sour! 

Worth, unlike beauty fadeless, pure, 

A blessing and most blest, 
Beyond the shadows will endure, 

And give the lone heart rest. 

For the Transcript. 

Though Mrs. Glover's classes grew larger, and Richard Ken 
nedy's practice steadily increased, frequent disagreements oc 
curred between him and his teacher. He found that the Quimby 
method was, like every other method of treating disease, limited 
in its scope, and urged Mrs. Glover to modify her sweeping 
statements concerning its possibilities which greatly angered 
her. His common-sense rebelled when Mrs. Glover told her 
students that she could hold her finger in the flame of a candle 
without feeling pain, and her grim ambition rather repelled 
him. Although he was almost filial in his dutifulness, her 
tyranny in trivial matters tried even his genial temper. About 
a year after they opened their office, Miss Magoun married 
John M. Dame of Lynn, and gave up her school, leaving the 
Moral Scientists to sublet from another tenant. 

On Thanksgiving night of that year (1871) Mrs. Glover 
and Kennedy went to Mrs. Dame's new home to play cards. 
At the card-table Kennedy and Mrs. Glover played against 
each other, Kennedy and his partner playing, apparently, 
the better game. Mrs. Glover, who could not endure to be 
beaten in anything, lost her temper and declared that Richard 
had cheated. The young man was chagrined at being thus 

From a photograph taken in Lynn, Mass., in 1871 

Photograph by Bowers 


taken to task before his friends. The frequent scenes caused 
by Mrs. Glover's jealous and exacting disposition had worn 
out his patience. When he and Mrs. Glover reached home that 
night, he tore his contract with her in two and threw it into 
the fire, telling her that he would no longer consider himself 
bound by it. Mrs. Glover threatened and entreated, but to no 
purpose, and even when she fell to the floor in a swoon Kennedy 
was not to be moved. 

From that night Kennedy prepared to leave Mrs. Glover. 
Their separation took place in the spring of 1872. When they 
settled their accounts, Mrs. Glover was left with about six 
thousand dollars in money. While they remained together, 
Kennedy had paid their living expenses and had given Mrs. 
Glover half of whatever money was left from his practice, while 
Mrs. Glover's income from teaching was entirely her own. 

After this separation Kennedy took another office in Lynn, 
and Mrs. Glover remained for some months in their old rooms. 
She afterward boarded with the Chadwells on Shepard Street, 
later stayed at the home of Dorcas Rawson, and still later lived 
for some time in a boarding-house at Number 9 Broad Street, 
opposite the house which she eventually purchased. 

The Essex County registry of deeds shows that on March 31, 
1875, Francis E. Besse, in consideration of $5,650, deeded to 
" Mary M. B. Glover, a widow woman of Lynn," the property 
at Number 8 Broad Street, which became the first official head 
quarters of Christian Science. 10 This house, a small two-and-a- 
half story building, is still standing. When Mrs. Glover moved 
in, shortly after her purchase, she occupied only the second 

10 When Mrs. Glover bought this property, she assumed the mortgage on it 
of 2,800. 


floor, renting the first floor of the house to a succession of 
tenants. She used as her study a little low-ceiled room on the 
third floor, lighted by one window and a skylight. Here she 
completed the manuscript of Science and Health^ read the 
proofs of the first edition, and prepared the second and third 
editions. The Christian Science reading-room of Lynn is now 
in this building. At the time of the June communions lx at 
the Mother Church in Boston, thousands of people go out to 
visit the little skylight room which they regard as the cradle 
of their faith. The room has, of course, been changed since 
Mrs. Eddy worked there. The woodwork has been painted 
white, and the walls and ceiling are now pale blue and cream 
colour, dotted with gold stars. None of the original furniture 
remains ; but the chair and table are said to be very like those 
which Mrs. Eddy used, and on the shelf is a clock like that 
which used to count the hours while Mrs. Eddy measured time 
out of existence. On the low wall there hangs not without a 
stirring effect of contrast a very light and airy water-colour 
of the gray tower of the original Mother Church in Boston. 
Over the door is frescoed the First Commandment: 
" Thou shalt have no other Gods before me." 

11 These yearly communions at the Mother Church in Boston have this year 
(1908) been discontinued by order of Mrs. Eddy. 




WHATEVER disagreement Mrs. Glover had with individual 
students, their number constantly increased, and for every de 
serter there were several new adherents. Her following grew 
not only in numbers but in zeal; her influence over her students 
and their veneration of her were subjects of comment and aston 
ishment in Lynn. Of some of them it could be truly said that 
they lived only for and through Mrs. Glover. They -continued 
to attend in some manner to their old occupations, but they 
became like strangers to their own families, and their personali 
ties seemed to have undergone an eclipse. Like their teacher, 
they could talk of only one thing and had but one vital interest. 
One disciple let two of his three children die under metaphysical 
treatment without a murmur. Another married the woman 
whom Mrs. Glover designated. Two students furnished the 
money to bring out her first book, though Mrs. Glover at that 
time owned the house in which she lived, and her classes were 
fairly remunerative. 

The closer students, who constituted Mrs. Glover's cabinet 
and bodyguard, executed her commissions, transacted her busi 
ness, and were always at her call. To-day some of these who 



have long been accounted as enemies by Mrs. Eddy, and whom 
she has anathematised in print and discredited on the witness- 
stand, still declare that what they got from her was beyond 
equivalent in gold or silver. They speak of a certain spiritual 
or emotional exaltation which she was able to impart in her 
classroom ; a feeling so strong that it was like the birth of a 
new understanding and seemed to open to them a new heaven 
and a new earth. Some of Mrs. Glover's students experienced 
this in a very slight degree, and some not at all, but such as 
were imaginative and emotional, and especially those who had 
something of the mystic in their natures, came out of her class 
room to find that for them the world had changed. They lived 
by a new set of values ; the colour seemed to fade out of the 
physical world about them; men and women became shadow- 
like, and their own humanity grew pale. The reality of pain 
and pleasure, sin and grief, love and death, once denied, the 
only positive thing in their lives was their belief and that was 
almost wholly negation. One of the students who was closest 
to Mrs. Glover at that time says that to him the world outside 
her little circle seemed like a madhouse, where each inmate was 
given over to his delusion of love or gain or ambition, and the 
problem which confronted him was how to awaken them from 
the absurdity of their pursuits. It is but fair to say that 
occasionally a student was more of a royalist than the king, 
and that Mrs. Glover herself had a very sound sense of material 
values and often reminded an extravagant follower to render 
unto Cassar what was his due. 

Among the enthusiasts of Mrs. Glover's following was Daniel 
Harrison Spofford, who became a very successful practitioner 


of mental healing, and at one time had offices in Boston, Haver- 
hill, and Newburyport, dividing his time among the three 
places. Spofford was one of the most interesting of Mrs. 
Glover's students and an important factor in the early de 
velopment of Christian Science. 1 He was born at Temple, 
N. H., and when he was a boy of ten came to eastern Massa 
chusetts with his brother and widowed mother. He was put 
out to work for farmers about the country, and, although he 
was a frail boy, he did a man's work. He was working as a 
watchmaker's apprentice when, in his twentieth year, he entered 
the army. He enlisted in '61 and served in the Army of the 
Potomac, in Hooker's brigade, until he was mustered out in 
'64, taking part in some twenty engagements, among them 
Gettysburg and the second battle of Bull Run. On his return 
from the army he went to work in a shoe factory in Lynn. 
He first met Mrs. Glover in 1871, when she was with Richard 
Kennedy, and he had access, through another student, to the 
manuscripts from which she taught. During the next three 
years, which he spent in the South and West, he carried these 
manuscripts with him and studied them. He was thoughtful 
and reflective by nature, and even when he was a chore boy 
on the farm he read the Bible diligently and went about his 
work in the barn and in the field, pondering deeply upon the 
paradoxes of the old theology. He had worked out a kind 
of transcendentalism of his own, and he found something in 
the Quimby manuscripts which satisfied a need of his nature. 
When he came back to Lynn, in the spring of 1875, he began 
to experiment among his friends in the healing power of this 

1 Mr. Spofford now lives opposite the old Whittier homestead, on the road be 
tween Haverhill and Amesbury. 


system, and made several cures which were much talked about. 
Mrs. Glover soon heard of this and sent Spofford a letter, in 
which she said: " Mr. Spofford I tender you a cordial invitation 
to join my next class and receive my instruction in healing the 
sick without medicine, without money and without price." 

Spofford, who was then about thirty-three years of age, 
accordingly entered Mrs. Glover's class in April, 1875, and 
in a few weeks her teaching had become to him the most im 
portant thing in the world. Mr. Spofford still says that no 
price could be put upon what Mrs. Glover gave her students, 
and that the mere manuscripts which he had formerly studied 
were, compared to her expounding of them, as the printed 
page of a musical score compared to its interpretation by a 
master. His teacher recognised in him a mind singularly 
adapted to her subject, and a nature sincere and free from 
self-seeking. She turned many of her students over to him for 
instruction in Scriptural interpretation, addressed him as 
" Harry," and showed her appreciation of his loyalty by pre 
senting to him, in a silver case, the gold pen with which Science 
and Health was written. 

In May, a month after he entered her class, Mr. Spofford 
opened an office in Lynn and put out his sign, " Dr. Spofford, 
Scientific Physician." His success was as rapid as Richard 
Kennedy's had been, although it would be difficult to find two men 
more unlike than these, who were perhaps the most intelligent 
and able of all Mrs. Glover's practising students. Kennedy 
was cheerful, impulsive, practical, and blessed with a warm 
enjoyment of the world as it is. He made a host of friends, 
whom he managed to see very often, and always found a thou- 


sand agreeable duties which he discharged punctiliously. Spof- 
ford was an idealist, somewhat tinged with the gentle melan 
choly of the dreamer a type with which the literature of New 
England has made us all familiar. His frame was delicate, his 
hands and features finely cut, and his eyes were intense and 
very blue in colour. His voice was low, and his manner gentle 
and somewhat aloof. 

Foremost in loyalty among Mrs. Glover's women students 
was Mrs. Miranda Rice, who remained in constant attendance 
upon her, acting as mediator between her and recalcitrant 
students, and attending her in those violent seizures of hysteria 
which continued to torture her. Mrs. Rice says that during 
these attacks the poor woman would often lie unconscious for 
hours together; at other times she would seem almost insane, 
would denounce all her friends, declare that they were all perse 
cuting and wronging her, and that she would run away, never 
to come back. 

In spite of the hardships of her service, Mrs. Rice remained 
Mrs. Glover's friend for about twelve years Mrs. Glover rarely 
kept her friends so long. Mrs. Rice always felt under obliga 
tion to her teacher, for she had paid no tuition when she 
entered her class, and one of Mrs. Glover's most noted demon 
strations for years recounted in succeeding editions of Science 
and Health occurred when she attended Mrs. Rice in childbed. 
Mrs. Rice still affirms that the birth was absolutely painless. 

George W. Barry, a student who avowed that Mrs. Glover 
had cured him of consumption, was long active in her service 
and he always addressed her as " Mother." Once when Bronson 
Alcott, that undiscouraged patron of metaphysical cults, went 


to Lynn upon an invitation from Mrs. Glover and addressed 
her class, he turned to Barry and, struck by his youthful 
appearance, asked, " How old are you, young man ? " Barry 
replied, " I am five years old, sir," explaining that it was five 
years ago that he first began to study under Mrs. Glover. Two 
years after he had thus defined existence, Barry sued Mrs. 
Glover, then Mrs. Eddy, for money due him for services to her 
extending over a period of five years; some of the instances 
set forth in his bill of particulars give an interesting glimpse 
of life at Number 8 Broad Street. Among the services ren 
dered, as stated in this bill, was : " Copying the manuscript of 
the book entitled Science and Health, and aiding in arrange 
ment of capital letters and some of the grammatical construc 
tions." (The Referee in the case found that Barry had copied 
out in long hand twenty-five hundred pages, and allowed him 
more than the usual copyist rate, " on account of the difficulty 
which a portion of the pages presented to the copyist by reason 
of erasures and interlineations.") Other services mentioned in 
Barry's bill were : " Copying manuscript for classes and help 
ing to arrange the construction of some of the sentences " ; 
" copying Mrs. Glover's replies to W. W. Wright's newspaper 
articles " ; " searching for a publisher " ; " moving her goods 
from the tenement on South Common Street, Lynn, i.e., dispos 
ing of some at the auction room, storing others in my uncle's 
barn, and storing trunks and goods at my father's house, 
clearing up rooms, paying rent for the same " ; " attending 
to her financial business, i.e., withdrawing monies from Boston 
savings banks, going to Boston to get United States coupon 
bonds, taking in my care two mortgages," etc. 


Further services mentioned in Barry's bill were : " Aiding in 
buying and caring for the place at Number 8 Broad Street; 
aiding in selection of carpets and furniture, helping to move, 
putting down carpets, etc., and working in the garden." In his 
bill of expenditures he said that he had paid out money on 
Mrs. Glover's account for rent, car-fare, postage, stationery, 
printing, express charges, and boots. In her reply Mrs. Glover 
stated that she had repaid him for all these expenditures, and 
that the boots were a present from the plaintiff. On the wit 
ness-stand she further stated that she taught him " how to 
make an interrogation point and what capitals to attach to 
the names of the Deity." She affirmed that she had cured him 
of disease. " I gave him mind as one would treat a patient 
with material medicine," she told the judge. Mrs. Glover later 
reproachfully published some verses which she said Barry wrote 
her before his defection: 

O, mother mine, God grant I ne'er forget, 
Whatever be my grief or what my joy, 
The unmeasured, unextinguishable debt 
I owe to thee, but find my sweet employ 
Ever through thy remaining days to be 
To thee as faithful as thou wast to me.* 

Surrounded as she was by these admiring students, who 
hung upon her words and looked to her for the ultimate wisdom, 
Mrs. Glover gradually became less acutely conscious of Quimby's 
relation to the healing system she taught. She herself was 
being magnified and exalted daily by her loyal disciples, in 
whose extravagant devotion she saw repeated the attitude of 

"Science and Health (1881), Vol. II., p. 15. 


many of Quimby's patients herself among them to their 
healer. Instead of pointing always backward and reiterating, 
" I learned this from Dr. Quimby," etc., she began to acquiesce 
in the belief of her students, who regarded her as the source 
of what she taught. Her infatuated students, indeed, desired 
to see no further than their teacher, and doubtless would not 
have looked beyond her had she pointed. Consequently she said 
less and less about Quimby as time went on, and- by 1875, when 
her first book, Science and Health, was issued, she had crowded 
him altogether out of his " science." 3 

In the history of the Quimby manuscript, from which she 
taught during the five years, 1870-1875, one can trace the 
steps by which Mrs. Glover, starting as the humble and grateful 
patient of Quimby, arrived at the position of rival, and pre 
tender to his place. We have seen that while she was in 
Stoughton, Mrs. Glover wrote a preface, signed " Mary M. 
Glover," to her copy of Quimby's manuscript, " Questions and 
Answers," and that she made slight changes in, and additions 
to, the text. In examining the copies of this manuscript which 
were given out to her students in Lynn, 1870-1872, we find 
that this signed preface has been incorporated in the text, so 
that the manuscript reads like the composition of one person, 
and that instead of being issued with a title-page, reading 
" Extracts from P. P. Quimby's Writings," as was the Stough 
ton manuscript, the copies given out in Lynn were unsigned. 
This manuscript Mrs. Glover called " The Science of Man, or 
the Principle which Controls Matter." In 1870 she took out 
a copyright upon a book entitled : The Science of Man by which 

8 There Is only a casual mention of Quimby in the first edition of Science 
and Health. 


the Sick are Healed Embracing Questions and Answers in Moral 
Science Arranged for the Learner by Mrs. Mary Baker Glover. 
This seems to have been only a precautionary measure, however, 
as she took no steps to publish the pamphlet until 1876. When 
it appeared, it contained allusions to events which happened 
after 1872, and it must have been largely rewritten after the 
date of the copyright. 

In Stoughton " The Science of Man " was the only manu 
script from which Mrs. Glover taught. By the time she arrived 
in Lynn, however, she had worked out another treatise, which 
she sometimes entitled " Scientific Treatise on Mortality, As 
Taught by Mrs. M. B. Glover," and sometimes gave no title 
at all. Mr. Horatio Dresser and Mr. George A. Quimby, the 
two persons best acquainted with Phineas P. Quimby's writings, 
say that this second manuscript is only partially his, and 
seems to be made up of extracts from his writings, woven to 
gether and interspersed with much that must have been Mrs. 
Glover's own. In her early teaching in Lynn she gave out 
this new manuscript, first requiring her pupils to learn it by 
heart, and following it up with " The Science of Man," which 
still formed the basis of her lectures. She occasionally rein 
forced her instruction by giving to a promising pupil still a 
third manuscript, also a combination of Quimby and herself, 
which she called " Soul's Inquiries of Man." At first, however, 
Mrs. Glover gave Quimby credit for the authorship of the three 
manuscripts, even for the two which seem to have been partly 
her own composition. 

The next important change in her manuscript occurred in the 
spring of 1872, when Richard Kennedy left her. Mrs. Glover 


was then without a practising student a serious disadvantage 
to her and she was so angered that she conceived for Kennedy 
a violent hatred, from which, without the slightest provocation 
on his part, she suffered intensely for many years, and from 
which it may be justly said she still suffers. Kennedy simply 
changed his office, refused to discuss Mrs. Glover at all, and 
went on practising. His success so annoyed Mrs. Glover that 
she wished to repudiate him and his methods, and to do this 
it was necessary to repudiate what she herself had taught him. 
She therefore announced that she had discovered that the method 
of treatment which she had taught Kennedy (i.e., wetting and 
rubbing the patient's head) was harmful and pernicious. Mr. 
Wright's articles in the Lynn Transcript had apparently sug 
gested mesmerism to her, and she now declared that Kennedy 
was a mesmerist and his treatment mesmerism. 3 x " 2 In the first 
edition of Science and Health, page 193, she says: 

Sooner suffer a doctor infected with smallpox to be about you than 
come under the treatment of one that manipulates his patients' heads, and 
is a traitor to science. 

And on page 371 : 

There is but one possible way of doing wrong with a mental method of 
healing, and this is mesmerism, whereby the minds of the sick may be 
controlled with error instead of Truth. . . . For years we had tested 
the benefits of Truth on the body, and knew no opposite chance for doing 
evil through a mental method of healing until we saw it traduced by an 
erring student, and made the medium of error. Introducing falsehoods 
into the minds of the patients prevented their recovery, and the sins of the 
doctor was visited on the patients, many of whom died because of 
this. . . . 

Soon after her break with Kennedy she had all her students 
strike out from their manuscript, " Scientific Treatise on Mortal- 

11-2 The story of the beginning and growth of Mrs. Eddy's belief in mesmerism 
is told in full in Chapter XII. 


ity," the passages regarding the manipulation of the patient's 
head. These passages are within parentheses in the following: 

That is, do not be discouraged but hold calmly and persistently on to 
science that tells you you are right and they are in error, (and wetting 
your hand in water, rise and rub their head, this rubbing has no virtue 
only as we believe and others believe we get nearer to them by contact, 
and now you would rub out a belief and this belief is located in the brain, 
therefore as an M.D. lays a poultice where the pain is, so you lay your 
hands where the belief is to rub it forever out) do not address your 
thoughts for a moment to their body as you mentally argue down their 
beliefs (and rub their heads) but take yourself, the Soul, to destroy the 
error of life, sensation and substance in matter to your own belief, as 
much as in you lies, etc. 

" Manipulation," as she called it, became a thing of horror 
to Mrs. Glover; it was the taint which distinguished the false 
science from the true. Now, manipulation had been Quimby's 
method of treating his patients, and as Mrs. Glover was a 
person of singularly literal mind, breaking away from that 
method gave her a sense not only of independence but of con 
quest. She considered that she had improved upon the original 
Quimby method and left it behind her. She still taught her 
students to put their fingers upon the patient's head, but the 
rubbing and the bowl of water were now symbols of the dark 
abuses of " mental malpractice." Having abjured them, Mrs. 
Glover felt that this Science was hers as it had never been before. 
She felt that she had now a system which was practically her 
own, and told Dr. Spofford she considered that Quimby had 
been a detriment to her growth in Science. The more one 
studies the illogical and literal quality of Mrs. Glover's mind 
as evinced in her life and writings, the better one understands 
how she could readily persuade herself that this was true. 


The progress of this assimilation is easily followed: 

First The writing of a signed preface to and the amending 
of the original Quimby manuscript. 

Second The incorporating of this preface in the text. 

Third The composition of a second manuscript, partly her 
own, from which she was able to teach successfully. 

Fourth The discontinuation of " manipulation " in treat 

Fifth The belief, fostered by her students, that her inter 
pretation of the Quimby manuscript was far beyond the manu 
script itself in scope and understanding. 

Sixth The writing of the book, Science and Health, begun 
in the later '60's and finished in 1875, in which Mrs. Glover 
undoubtedly added much extraneous matter to Quimbyism, and 
developed self-confidence by presenting ideas of her own. 

Although the Christian Science Church was not chartered 
until 1879> the first attempt at an organisation was made in 
1875. Her students desired Mrs. Glover to conduct services 
of public worship in Lynn, and to this end formed an association, 
electing officers, and calling themselves the " Christian Scien 
tists." In a memorandum book, kept by Daniel H. Spofford 
in the spring of that year, appears the following entry : 

May 26 At a meeting of students, 8 Broad street, there was a com 
mittee of three appointed, consisting of Dorcas B. Rawson, George W. 
Barry and D. H. Spofford, to ascertain what a suitable hall could be rented 
for, and the amount which could be raised weekly toward sustaining Mrs. 
Glover as teacher and instructor for one year. Committee to report night 
of June 1. 

This committee entered heartily into its labours and drew 
up the following pledge, which was signed by eight students: 


Whereas, in times not long past, the Science of Healing new to the 
age, and far in advance of all other modes was introduced into the city of 
Lynn by its discoverer, a certain lady, Mary Baker Glover, 

And, whereas, many friends spread the good tidings throughout the 
place, and bore aloft the standard of life and truth which had declared 
freedom to many manacled with the bonds of disease or error, 

And, whereas, by the wilful and wicked disobedience of an individual, 4 
who has no name in Love Wisdom or Truth, the light was obscured by clouds 
of misinterpretation and mists of mystery, so that God's work was hidden 
from the world and derided in the streets, 

Now therefore, we, students and advocates of this moral science called 
the Science of Life, . . . have arranged with the said Mary Baker 
Glover, to preach to us or direct our meetings on the Sabbath of each 
week, and hereby covenant with one another, and by these presents do 
publish and proclaim, that we have agreed and do each and all agree to 
pay weekly, for one year, beginning with the sixth day of June, A.D., 1875, 
to a treasurer chosen by at least seven students the amount set opposite 
our names, provided nevertheless the moneys paid by us shall be expended 
for no other purpose or purposes than the maintenance of said Mary Baker 
Glover as teacher or instructor, than the renting of a suitable hall and 
other necessary incidental expenses, and our signatures shall be a full 
and sufficient guarantee of our faithful performance of this contract. 

Mr. Spofford's memorandum book continues the story of this 
association : 

June 1 On receiving the report of the committee it was decided to rent 
Templars' Hall, Market street, and the first regular meeting to be June 6. 
Also a business meeting appointed June 8. 

June 6 There were probably sixty in attendance at the meeting this 

June 8 At the meeting this evening, George H. Allen was chosen presi 
dent, George W. Barry, secretary, and Daniel H. Spofford, treasurer, the 
society to be known as the " Christian Scientists." 6 

For five successive Sundays Mrs. Glover discoursed to her 
pupils in the Templars' Hall, receiving five dollars for each 
address. The remaining five dollars of the amount subscribed 

4 Presumably Richard Kennedy. 

5 This, so far as can be learned, was the first time that Mrs. Glover's 
students were called " Christian Scientists." 


went toward paying incidental expenses. After the first twd 
meetings a number of Spiritualists were attracted to the services-. 
In the discussions following Mrs. Glover's talks they askfcd 
questions which annoyed her, and she finally refused to continue 
her lectures and abolished public services* 

Toward the end of the same year the book, Science and 
Health, made its first appearance in print. 6 Mrs. Glover was 
Convinced that it was through this volume that she was to 
make her way, and that the most important task before her 
was to advertise it and push its sale. She accordingly en 
trusted this work to her leading practitioner and chief adviser* 
Daniel Spofford, persuading him to hand over his thriving 
practice to one of her new students, Asa Gilbert Eddy. 

Mrs. Glover first met Mr. Eddy through Mr. Spofford, to 
whom Eddy had come as a patient. Although destined to 
become the husband of Mrs. Glover and his name to be 
indissolubly associated with Christian Science and made famous 
throughout two continents, this new student was personally un 
pretentious and had no suspicion of his future greatness. He 
was of humble origin, coming from the village of South London 
derry in the Green Mountains, where his father, Asa Eddy, was, 
according to his neighbours and friends, a hard-working, plod 
ding farmer. His mother, Betsey Smith Eddy, was a more 
original character, and the children inherited many of her 
peculiarities. Farm life was not congenial to Mrs. Eddy or* 
her children. Their tastes and inclinations were not for the- 
established and the orderly, and they consequently had little or- 
nothing to do with the routine work of either farm or house. 

A detailed account of the publication of this important book is given itt 
the next chapter. 

Mrs. Eddy's third husband. He died in 1882 


Mrs. Eddy was not a very marked example of New England 
housewifely thrift, and she was pretty generally criticised for 
her " slack " housekeeping and her inattention to her children. 
The children, indeed, grew up as they would, satisfying their 
hunger from the " mush-pot " in which they boiled the corn- 
meal porridge which formed their main diet, and regulating 
their habits and conduct, each to suit himself. They met with 
no interference from their mother, who was much away from 
home. Every morning after the children had been sent over 
to the district school, which was only a few steps from the 
house, it was Mrs. Eddy's invariable custom to hitch up her 
horse and set forth on a trip through the country or to the 
neighbouring towns. This drive usually lasted all day, and it 
was the one thing that was performed with promptness and 
regularity in the Eddy menage. To protect herself from rough 
weather on her expeditions, Mrs. Eddy devised an ingenious 
costume. From the front of her large poke bonnet she hung 
a shawl, in which was inserted a 9x10 pane of window glass, 
so placed that when she donned the costume the glass was 
opposite her face. This handy contrivance kept out the wind 
or rain or snow, without obscuring her vision ; and thus equipped, 
Mrs. Eddy daily defied the vagaries of Vermont weather. The 
children of the village called her " the woman with the looking- 

Neighbourly comment and rebuke were lost on mother and 
children alike. They themselves enjoyed the unhampered life 
they led. It was only those who had a sense of order and 
regularity who suffered from the Eddy method, and they were 
all outside the Eddy family, unless indeed, it were Asa Eddy, 


the father, who may sometimes have grown tired of returning 
from his day's work in the fields to a deserted house, to make 
a fire and prepare his own food. 

As the boys grew older they were very ingenious about the 
house. They learned to wash and iron their own clothes as 
well as to make them, and while none of them would work on 
the farm with their father they all knew how to run the loom, 
which their mother kept in the kitchen, and upon which she 
sometimes wove. They took naturally to the trades, and when 
they started out for themselves one chose that of a carpenter, 
another became a cobbler, a third a stone-cutter, a fourth a 
clock-maker, and Asa Gilbert, the future husband of the 
founder of the Christian Science Church, was a weaver. As 
a boy Gilbert had been much with his mother, often accompany 
ing her on her drives and winding the " quills " for her loom 
on the rare occasions when she felt like spinning or weaving. 
At school, where he was nicknamed " Githy," 7 he was backward 
in everything except penmanship, in which he excelled and in 
which he took great satisfaction. He had considerable personal 
pride of a kind which showed itself in his odd choice of clothes, 
his mincing gait, and the elaborate arrangement of his hair, 
which he trained to curl under in a roll at the back and combed 
up into a high " roach " in front. Like his brothers he was 
fond of hunting and spent much of his time shooting at birds 
or at a target. Sometimes he hired out to a farmer, but only 
for a few days or weeks at a time, for he had no taste for 

The family had no church connections or religious prefer- 

f This nickname was won because Gilbert had a lisp and could not pronounce 
the words, " geese eggs." 


ences, but Mrs. Eddy had pinned her faith to a famous clair 
voyant called " Sleeping Lucy," who lived up the valley at 
Cavendish. " Sleeping Lucy," 8 whose real name was Mrs. 
Lucy Cook, possessed what she called " a gift of nature," by 
means of which she passed into a sleep or trance and was 
able, when in this sleeping state, to diagnose cases of sickness 
and to prescribe remedies for them. Mrs. Eddy's faith in 
" Sleeping Lucy " was profound, and whenever any of her 
family were ill she bundled them up and took them to Cavendish 
to see the clairvoyant. When Spiritualism was introduced, it 
appealed at once to Mrs. Eddy, and she and her son Gilbert 
became ardent believers, attending the Spiritualist meetings and 
seances for miles around. 

When Gilbert left home, about 1860, he went to Springfield, 
Vt., to run a " spinning jack " in a woollen mill, and later 
when the woollen mill burned, he found employment in a baby- 
carriage factory in the same village. Altogether he was in 
Springfield until late in the 'sixties, and after spending some 
time again in Londonderry, he drifted to East Boston and be 
came agent for a sewing machine. In spite of the shiftlessness 
of his bringing up, Gilbert developed a strain of thrift and 
economy. While in Springfield he had worked regularly and 
hoarded his savings. He lived by himself in meagre quarters 
and did his own housework, including his washing, and he made 
his own trousers. His sister-in-law, Mrs. Washington Eddy of 
New Haven, Conn., says, that when he visited his brother, he 
always helped her with the housework, especially with the iron 
ing. She says that " he could do up a shirt as well as any 

8 " Sleeping Lucy " later went to Montpelier and to Boston, where, under 
another name, she became well known and prosperous. 


woman." By means of his good management Gilbert was able 
to purchase from his parents the deed of their farm, which 
at his own death went by will to his -wife, Mary Baker G. Eddy, 
who sold it for $1,500 to Stephen Houghton, a neighbour of 
the Eddys in Londonderry. 

It was while Gilbert was acting as sewing machine agent in 
East Boston that he heard of Daniel H. Spofford as a healer 
and went to him as a patient. Spofford talked with him about 
the method he practised and when Eddy became interested, 
Spofford advised him to study the system and become a practi 
tioner himself. Eddy eagerly accepted the advice and Spofford 
introduced him to Mrs. Glover, who at once enrolled him as 
a member of her next class. 

People who knew Eddy well in Lynn describe him as a 
quiet, dull little man, docile and yielding up to a certain point, 
but capable of a dogged sort of obstinacy. He was short of 
stature, slow in his movements, and always taciturn. When 
he first came to Lynn people remarked upon his old-fashioned 
dress and singular manner of wearing his hair. He usually 
wore a knitted Cardigan jacket and a long surtout gathered 
very full at the waist and a light cinnamon in colour. 

From their first acquaintance he and his teacher manifested 
a cordial regard for each other. He alone of all her students 
was permitted to call her by her first name, Mary, and she 
addressed him as Gilbert, often speaking of him to other pupils, 
and extolling his willingness and obedience. After Mr. Spof- 
ford's patients had been transferred to Eddy, some of Mrs. 
Glover's students began to feel that her interest in the new 
practitioner was out of all proportion to his usefulness in the 


Science. Mrs. Glover became aware of this jealousy and was 
greatly distressed by it. She felt that her students were lean 
ing on her too heavily, and that by demanding her attention 
and even by thinking about her so constantly, they drained her 
powers and unfitted her for her work. She spoke much in these 
days of a temperamental quality which compelled her to take 
on the ills and perplexities of her friends and to suffer from 
them as if they were her own. She continually besought her 
students not to " call upon her " in thought when they were 
sick or in trouble. For some months before her marriage to 
Gilbert Eddy she seems to have felt completely at the mercy 
of her students' minds, and that she must find some way to put 
a barrier between their thoughts and her own. An almost in 
coherent letter, written to Daniel Spofford two days before her 
marriage, indicates great mental distress, and she evidently 
felt that her favouritism toward Eddy had been the subject 
of criticism. 

" Now, Dr. Spofford," she writes, " won't you exercise reason 
and let me live or will you kill me? Your mind is just what has 
brought on my relapse and I shall never recover if you do not 
govern yourself and TURN YOUR THOUGHTS wholly away from 
me. Do for God's sake and the work I have before me let me get 
out of this suffering I never was worse than last night and 
you say you wish to do me good and I do not doubt it. Then 
won't you quit thinking of me. I shall write no more to a male 
student and never more trust one to live with. It is a hidden 
foe that is at work read Science and Health page 193, 1st 

" No STUDENT nor mortal has tried to have you leave me 


that I know of. Dr. Eddy has tried to have you stay you 
are in a mistake, it is God and not man that has separated us 
and for the reason I begin to learn. Do not think of returning 
to me again I shall never again trust a man They know not 
what manner of temptations assail God produces the separation 
and I submit to it so must you. There is no cloud between 
us but the way you set me up for a Dagon is wrong and 
now I implore you to return forever from this , error of per 
sonality and go alone to God as I have taught you. 

" It is mesmerism that I feel and is killing me it is mortal 
mind that only can make me suffer. Now stop thinking of me 
or you will cut me off soon from the face of the earth." 

Gilbert Eddy called on his teacher that same evening, and 
must have reassured the distracted woman as to the trust 
worthiness of his sex, for on the next day he was the proud 
bearer to Spofford of the following note, even the date line 
of which breathes peace : 

SABBATH EVE, Dec. 31, '76. 

For reasons best known to myself I have changed my views in respect 
to marrying and ask you to hand this note to the Unitarian clergyman 
and please wait for his answer. 

Your teacher, 

M. B. G. 
Hand or deliver the reply to Dr. Eddy. 

When Mr. Spofford read the note he remarked: 
" You've been very quiet about all this, Gilbert." 
" Indeed, Dr. Spofford," protested the happy groom, " I 
didn't know a thing about it myself until last night." 

He then produced the marriage license from his pocket, 


and Mr. Spofford noticed that the ages of both the bride and 
groom were put down as forty years. Knowing that Mrs. 
Glover was in her fifty-sixth year, he remarked upon the in 
accuracy, but Mr. Eddy explained that the statement of age 
was a mere formality and that a few years more or less was 
of no consequence. 

On New Year's Day, 1877, the Rev. Samuel B. Stewart 
performed the marriage ceremony at Mrs. Glover's home on 
Broad Street. The wedding was unattended by festivities, but 
several weeks later Mrs. Eddy's friends and students assembled 
one evening to offer the usual bridal gifts and congratulations. 
An interesting picture of this friendly gathering is found in 
an account published in the Lynn Recorder, February 10, 1877. 


MR. EDITOR A very pleasant occasion of congratulations and bridal 
gifts passed off at the residence of the bride and bridegroom, Dr. and 
Mrs. Eddy, at No. 8 Broad St., on the evening of the 31st ult. The 
arrival of a large number of unexpected guests at length brought about 
the discovery that it was a sort of semi-surprise party, and thus it proved, 
and a very agreeable surprise at that. It afterwards appeared that the 
visitors had silently assembled in the lower parlour, and laden the table 
with bridal gifts, when the door was suddenly thrown open and some of the 
family invited in ta find the room well packed with friendly faces; all of 
which was the quiet work of that mistress of all good management, Mrs. 
Bixby. One of the most elaborate gifts in silver was a cake basket. A 
bouquet of crystallised geranium leaves of rare varieties encased in glass 
was charming, but the presents were too fine to permit a selection. Mr. 
S. P. Bancroft gave the opening address a very kind and graceful speech, 
which was replied to by Mrs. Glover-Eddy with evident satisfaction, when 
alluding to the unbroken friendship for their teacher, the fidelity to Truth 
and the noble purposes cherished by a number of her students and the 
amount of good compared with others of which they were capable. The 
happy evening was closed with reading the Bible, remarks on the Scriptures, 
etc. Wedding cake and lemonade were served, and those from out of town 

took the cars for home, 




book upon which Mrs. Glover had been at work for so 
long, was first published in 1875. For eight years she had been 
writing and rewriting, with unabated patience, and wherever she 
went she had enlisted the interest of her friends and had set 
them to copying her manuscripts and getting them ready for 
a possible printer. While she was staying with the Went- 
worths in Stoughton she carried her copy to Boston to look 
for a publisher, and when the printer to whom she showed it 
asked to be paid in advance, Mrs. Glover tried to persuade 
Mrs. Wentworth to lend her the money. Had Mrs. Glover then 
been successful in her search for a publisher, Christian Science 
in its present form would never have existed; for at that 
time she had not dreamed of calling the system anything but 
Quimby's " science." 

By 1875, however, Mrs. Glover had persuaded herself that 
she owed very little to the old Maine philosopher, 1 and when 
her book appeared she said no more of Quimby or of her 
promise to teach his science " to at least two persons before 
I die." 

Neither Mrs. Glover nor the printer took any financial risk 

1 The story of Mrs. Glover's absorption of Quimby is told in Chapter X, 



in the publication of the book, when it was at last brought out ; 
but two of Mrs. Glover's students, Miss Elizabeth Newhall and 
George Barry, were prevailed upon to advance $1,500. Owing, 
however, to the many changes in the proofs which Mrs. Glover 
made after the plates were cast, the edition cost $2,200, which 
Miss Newhall and Mr. Barry paid. Mrs. Glover, in spite of 
her reluctance to risk money on it, believed intensely in her 
book, and from the first she declared that it would sell. Even 
when the first edition of 1,000 copies fell flat on the market 
and Daniel Spofford was obliged to peddle them about person 
ally, Mrs. Glover did not lose confidence in the future of her 
book, but immediately set about revising the volume for a 
second edition. 

Mrs. Glover and Mr. Spofford advertised the book by means 
of handbills and through the newspapers, printing testimonials 
of the wonderful cures made by the application of the science, 
and urging all to buy the book which would tell them all about 
it. Copies were sent to the leading New England newspapers 
for review, accompanied by a request to the editors to print 
nothing about the book if a favourable notice could not be 
given. This request was respected by some of the papers, but 
others criticised the book severely or referred to it flippantly. 
Copies were also sent to the University of Heidelberg, to 
Thomas Carlyle, and to several noted theologians and literary 
men. But the book made no stir, and outside of the little 
band of devoted Christian Scientists, its advent was unobserved. 
Whatever imperishable doctrine the book may have contained 
it was not suggested by the outward form of the volume, which 
was an ill-made, cheap-looking affair. It contained 456 pages 


and sold for $2.50 at first, but later, when the sales fell off, 
it went willingly for $1. 

Mrs. Glover called her book Science and Health, 2 an adapta 
tion of Quimby's name for his healing system, " The Science 
of Health." It contained eight chapters entitled in their order : 
" Natural Science," " Imposition and Demonstration," lf Spirit 
and Matter," " Creation," " Prayer and Atonement," " Mar 
riage," " Physiology," and " Healing the Sick." , In these chap 
ters Mrs. Glover attempted to set forth the theory of her 
" Science " of healing and the theological and metaphysical 
systems upon which it was based. It was a serious undertaking, 
but Mrs. Glover, with no preparation but her study of the 
Quimby manuscripts, and no resources but an illimitable con 
fidence in the success of her undertaking, felt equal to the 
task; and judged by Mrs. Glover's standard, her venture was 
a success. 

Even after her eight years struggle with her copy, the book, 
as printed in 1875, is hardly more than a tangle of words and 
theories, faulty in grammar and construction, and singularly 
vague and contradictory in its statements. Although the book 
is divided into chapters, each having a title of its own, there 
is no corresponding classification of the subject, and it is only 
by piecing together the declarations found in the various chap 
ters that one may make out something of the theories which 
Mrs. Glover had been trying for so long to express. 

The basic ideas of the book and much of the terminology 
were, of course, borrowed from the Quimby papers which Mrs. 
Glover had carried reverently about with her since 1864, and 

2 The Key to the Scriptures, which now forms a part of the title, was not 
yet written. 


from which she had taught his doctrines. But in the elabora 
tion and amplification of the Quimby theory, Mrs. Glover 
introduced some totally new propositions and added many an 
ingenious ornament. 

On its metaphysical side Mrs. Glover's science went a step 
beyond the conclusions of the idealistic philosophers that we 
can have no absolute knowledge of matter, but only a sense 
impression of its existence ; she asserted that there is no matter 
and that we have no senses. The five senses being non-existent, 
Mrs. Glover pointed out that " all evidence obtained therefrom " 
is non-existent also. " All material life is a self-evident false 
hood." But while denying the existence of matter, Mrs. Glover 
gave it a sort of compulsory recognition by calling it " mor 
tality." And as such it assumes formidable proportions. It 
is error, evil, a belief, an illusion, discord, a false claim, dark 
ness, devil, sin, sickness, and death; and all these are non 
existent. Her denials include all the physical world and man 
kind, and all that mankind has accomplished by means of his 
reason and intelligence. " Doctrines, opinions, and beliefs, the 
so-called laws of nature, remedies for soul and body, materia 
medica, etc., are error," Mrs. Glover declared; but she tempered 
the blow by adding : " This may seem severe, but is said with 
honest convictions of its Truth, with reverence for God and 
love for man." 

In Mrs. Glover's system all that exists is an immortal 
Principle which is defined as Spirit, God, Intelligence, Mind, 
Soul, Truth, Life, etc., and is the basis of all things real. 
This universal Principle is altogether good. In it there is no 
evil, darkness, pain, sickness, or other forms of what Mrs. 


Glover called " error." Man is a Spiritual being only, and 
the world he inhabits is a Spiritual world. The idea that 
he is a physical body as well as an immortal soul, is an illusion 
introduced into the world by Adam and strengthened by all 
the succeeding generations. In this philosophy it is impossible 
for man to be both spiritual and material. " We are Spirit, 
Soul, and not body, and all is good that is Spirit." " The 
parent of all discord is this strange hypothesis, that Soul is 
in body, and Life in matter." But by one of the contradic 
tions which abound on every page, Mrs. Glover, in accounting 
for what seems to be the existence of the body, said that even 
when man shall have attained the realisation that he is Spirit 
only, his body will still be here but that it will have no sensa 
tion : " How are we to escape from flesh, or mortality, except 
through the change called death? By understanding we never 
were flesh, that we are Spirit and not matter. When the belief 
that we inhabit a body is destroyed we shall live, but our 
body will have no sensation." 

To live by this " science " man must clear his mind of all 
his previous beliefs, and must understand that all he has be 
lieved himself to be, is a falsehood, and that his conduct and 
the conduct of the whole human race from the beginning have 
been erroneous. He must ignore his physical body and the 
material things about him, and he must no longer depend upon 
the laws of nature or of man, but be governed by spiritual 
law only. " There is no material law that creates or governs 
man, or that man should obey ; obedience to spiritual law is 
all that God requires, and this 1 law abrogates matter," wrote 
Mrs. Glover. 


What seems to be the physical world, Mrs. Glover said, is a 
vision created by " mortal mind," that error or belief in matter 
which is forever at war with Immortal Mind, and which Mrs. 
Glover's philosophy denied yet constantly recognised. " Ma 
terial man," she wrote, " and a world of matter, reverse the 
science of being and are utterly false; nothing is right about 
them; their starting point is error, illusion." 

The physical forces of nature are likewise illusory. They 
exist, according to Mrs. Glover, not in fact, but because mortal 
mind at some time imagined matter and imagined it to contain 
certain properties. " Vertebrates, articulates, mollusks, and 
radiates are simply what mind makes them. They are technical- 
ised mortality that will disappear when the radiates of Spirit 
illumine sense and destroy forever the belief of Life and In 
telligence in matter." " Repulsion, attraction, cohesion, and 
power supposed to belong to matter, are constituents of mind." 
" The so-called destructive forces of matter, and the ferocity 
of man and beast are animal beliefs." 

All this is a part of what Mrs. Glover called the " dream of 
life in matter." In time, when the world shall have accepted 
Christian Science, Mrs. Glover believed, all this will be changed : 
" All this must give place to the spiritualised understanding. 
. . . Material substance, geological calculations, etc., will be 
swallowed up in the infinite Spirit that comprehends and evolves 
all idea, structure, form, colouring, etc., that we now suppose 
are produced by matter." 

In Christian Science, as Mrs. Glover stated it, all human 
knowledge which, she held, has done so much harm in the world, 
will be wiped out, and as man proceeds in the Christian Science 


faith, he will gain a complete understanding of the true science 
of life. This understanding will come through spiritual insight 
which " opens to view the capabilities of being, untrammelled 
by personal sense, explains the so-called miracles, and brings 
out the infinite possibilities of Soul, controlling matter, discern 
ing mind, and restoring man's inalienable birthright of do 

When man shall have reached this summit of understanding 
he will be infallible, unable to make mistakes, for " Mistakes 
are impossible to understanding, and understanding is all the 
mind there is." 

In giving a religious foundation to her science, Mrs. Glover 
allowed herself a free hand, for here she was not restrained 
by the limits of Quimbyism. Quimby had not aimed to give 
his system a religious tone, but he dealt with the same problems 
that religion has tried to solve, and he believed that the severe 
doctrines of the churches overlooked the real solution of man's 
destiny, and did incalculable damage in the world by spreading 
fear and the belief that man was naturally born to sin. His 
own theory, it will be remembered, was that man had had these 
beliefs of sin and fear and disease so borne in upon him and 
impressed upon him that he was spiritually weakened and 
made impotent by an overruling conviction of his own unworthi- 
ness. Quimby's gospel was the gospel of healthy-mindedness. 
He assumed that the vivifying principle which pervaded the 
universe was absolutely good and that goodness was man's 
natural inheritance. Quimby also taught that the mission of 
Jesus Christ was to restore to man his birthright of goodness 
and happiness and health; to point the way, as he put it, to 


Harmony ;' and Harmony, in Quimby's philosophy, was Heaven. 
He also presented the theory of the dual nature of Christ. 
Jesus, he said, was the human man ; Christ, the man of God. 3 

In making out her theological system, Mrs. Glover took in 
these modest ideas of Quimby, borrowed something from the 
Shaker sect (see Appendix C) and the " revelations " of Andrew 
Jackson Davis (see Appendix B), and introduced new and 
quite original ideas of her own. She made argument futile 
at the outset by claiming for her religion the advantage of 
direct inspiration and revelation. " The Bible," she wrote, 
" has been our only text-book. . . . The Scriptures have both 
a literal and spiritual import, but the latter was the especial 
interpretation we received, and that taught us the science of 
Life outside of personal sense." " We can not doubt the 
inspiration that opened to us the spiritual sense of the 
Bible." * 

Mrs. Glover described the process by which she arrived at 
the true meaning of the Bible : " The only method of reaching 
the Science of the Scripture, hence, the Truth of the Bible, is 
to rise to its spiritual interpretation, then compare its sayings, 
and gain its general tenor, which enables us to reach the ascend 
ing scale of being through demonstration ; as did prophet and 
apostle." By pursuing this method she came, inevitably, to 
some curious conclusions concerning the beginning of the world 
and the origin of man. Parts of the Bible she accepted liter 
ally, other parts were declared to be allegorical, and some 
of its statements she rejected altogether as mistakes of the 

3 An exposition of Quimby's doctrine is contained in Chapter III of this 

4 In later editions of Science and Health the idea of revelation is greatly 
enlarged upon and emphasised. 


early translators and copyists. " From the original quota 
tions," wrote Mrs. Glover, " it appears the Scriptures were not 
understood by those who re-read and re-wrote them. The true 
rendering was their spiritual sense." And again : " The thirty 
thousand different readings given the Old, and the three thou 
sand the New Testament, account for the discrepancies that 
sometimes appear in the Scriptures." 

In the chapter called " Creation," Mrs. Glover stated that 
the Trinity as commonly accepted is an error. " There is 
but one God. . . . That three persons are united in one body 
suggests a heathen deity more than Jehovah. . . . Life, Truth, 
and Love are the triune Principle of man and the universe; 
they are the great Jehovah, and these three are one, and our 
Father which art in heaven." In later editions Christian Sci 
ence is said to be the Holy Comforter. 

The creation of the universe and man had its origin in this 
triune Principle. The creation was the Idea of Principle; and 
man and the universe began to exist, not at the moment they 
received visible form, but before that at the very moment, 
in fact, that the Idea of them occurred to Principle. " Intelli 
gence " [that is, Principle], said Mrs. Glover, "made all that 
was made, and every plant before it was in the ground; every 
mineral, vegetable, and animal were ideas of the eternal thought." 
Their form was only a " shadowing forth " of what Principle 
or Intelligence had already mentally created; for all that was 
made and all that grew was not developed by natural law, 
but was literally ordered into being by the First Principle or 
Creative Wisdom : " The seed yields not an herb because of a 
propagating principle in itself; for there is none, inasmuch 


as Intelligence made all that was made; the idea was only to 
shadow forth what Intelligence had made." 

" Water," in Mrs. Glover's interpretation, was made to corre 
spond to Love, out of which Wisdom produced the " dry land " 
which is, said Mrs. Glover, " the condensed idea of the universe." 
The statement in the Bible that God divided the light from the 
darkness is said to mean that " Truth and error were distinct 
in the beginning and never mingled." This statement was made 
without explanation of how " error " came to be co-existing 
with Truth in the beginning, or by whom it was created. Mrs. 
Glover apparently had forgotten for the moment that " error " 
is a belief only and that this illusion originated with Adam. 

The firmament which God placed in the midst of the waters 
to divide them, was, according to Science and Health, the 
understanding that divided the waters into those " above " and 
those " below," into the spiritual and material, that we learn 
are separated forever. . . . Understanding interpreted God 
and was the dividing line between Truth and error ; to separate 
the waters which were under the firmament from those above 
it; to hold Life and Intelligence that made all things distinct 
from what it made, and superior to them, controlling and pre 
serving them, not through laws of matter, but the law of 

Mrs. Glover did not mention even here why the " spiritual " 
should be separated from the " material " by the firmament 
of understanding, if, as she taught, there is and never has 
been any material life. But, " Unfathomable Mind," as Mrs. 
Glover said, " had expressed itself." 

" It was in obedience to Intelligence and not matter," that 


the earth brought forth grass, and trees yielded fruit. Nature 
was like the setting of a stage, where scenes could be shifted 
at will. Intelligence brought forth landscapes * l ' z " even as a 
picture is produced by the artist." " The grass and the trees 
grew," not from the ground, but " from out the infinite thought 
that expressed them." In the creation of the solar system 
Mrs. Glover saw a complete endorsement of her theory that 
vegetation lived by Intelligence only : " The Scripture gives 
no record of solar light until after time had been divided into 
day and night, and vegetation was formed, showing you light 
was the symbol of the Life-giving Creator, and not a source 
of life to the vegetable kingdom. . . . Matter never repre 
sented God; geology cannot explain the earth, nor one of its 

The animal creation, according to Mrs. Glover's idea, was 
originally mild and harmless. " Beast and reptile," she said, 
" were neither carnivorous nor poisonous." Wisdom -held do 
minion over reptiles in those first days, and the savage traits 
of wild animals to-day are the result of erroneous human think 
ing. Mortal mind has impressed these qualities into the animal 
kingdom. It was because they understood this that Moses 
" made a staff as a serpent," and Daniel feared not the hungry 
lions. "When immortality is better understood," Mrs. Glover 
said, " there will follow an exercise of capacity unknown to 

In the story of the creation of man as recorded in Genesis, 

41 - s Mrs. Glover also taught that the natural law which produces flowers and 
fruit can be changed at will, even now, if one has a grasp of her science. 
In a personal letter written in 1896 she stated that she had caused an apple 
tree to blossom in January, and had frequently performed " some such trifles 
in the floral line," while living in Lyun. 


Mrs. Glover found much that would not fit into her plan of the 
universe, but she explained this : " In Genesis, the spiritual 
record of the universe and man is lost sight of, it was so material 
ised by uninspired writers." And, " the scripture not being 
understood bj its translators was misinterpreted." " The 
translators of that record wrote it in the error of being . . . 
hence their misinterpretations. . . . They spake from error, 
of error . . . which accounts for the contradictions in that 
glorious old record of Creation." " A wrong version of the 
Scriptures has hidden their Truth." According to Mrs. 
Glover's version, man was formed as follows : 

When, as recorded in the first chapter of Genesis, God said: 
" Let us make man in our image, after our likeness, and let them 
have dominion . . . over all the earth," He meant by the word 
" us " to indicate His triune Principle of Life, Truth, and Love. 
The word, " them," referred to man in the plural. It " signi 
fies plurality, for man was the generic name of mankind." 
Therefore, we have the conclusion that God, in his triune 
capacity of Life, Truth, and Love, made, not one man, but 
all mankind : " In contradistinction to the belief that God made 
one man, and man made the rest of his kind, science reveals 
the fact that he made all." 

" So God created man in His own image, male and female 
created He them," means, in the Science and Health version, 
that mankind thus created, merely " reflected the Principle of 
male and female, and was the likeness of ' Us,' the compound 
Principle that made man." It is to be understood that God, 
himself, not being a person, can have no " gender," " inasmuch 
as He is Principle embracing the masculine, feminine, and 


neuter." Indeed, if one of these genders predominates over 
another in the triune Principle, it is the feminine, for " We have 
not," said Mrs. Glover, " as much authority in science, for 
calling God masculine as feminine, the latter being the last, 
therefore the highest idea given of him." Also : " Woman 
was a higher idea of God than man, insomuch as she was the 
final one in the scale of being; but because our beliefs reverse 
every position of Truth, we name supreme being masculine 
instead of feminine." 

This creation of man, as recorded in the first chapter of 
Genesis, and explained by Science and Health, was, according 
to Mrs. Glover, the only real creation of man. This man is 
not given a name in the Bible. He was mankind, the immortal 
Idea of the First Principle, and he inhabited the inanimate 
universe, and was given dominion over it. " All blessings and 
power," said Science and Health, " came with the creations of 
Spirit and as such they were to multiply and replenish the 
earth on this basis of being, and subdue it, making matter sub 
servient to spirit, and all would be harmonious and immortal." 
That is, that as intended in the beginning, this spiritual universe 
was to continue its existence, and Idea or man was to " multiply 
and replenish the earth " solely by the will of the Spirit. The 
products of the earth were to come forth when and how original 
man dictated. " In this science of being the herb bore seed 
and the tree fruit, not because of root, seed or blossom, but 
because their Principle sustained these ideas." 

There were no laws of nature, or of man, for none was 

5 In more recent years Christian Scientists have declared their belief that 
Mrs. Eddy is the " feminine principle of Deity," and much has been written 
by her followers in defence of this position. 


needed. All was Mind or Infinite Spirit. Man, the male and 
female Idea of God, was to bring forth his kind, through the 
law of Spirit only. 8 "That matter propagates itself through 
seed and germination is error, a belief only." 

When God had thus made mankind, according to Mrs. 
Glover's version, he rested, and he had nothing to do with 
making anything that came later. Of the Bible statement: 
" Thus the heavens and earth were finished and all the hosts 
of them," Mrs. Glover said : " Here the scripture repeats again 
the science of creation, namely, that all was complete and 
finished, therefore that nothing has since been made." Having 
finished creation, God rested on the seventh day, and this again 
supplied to Mrs. Glover proof that whatever was created there 
after was not of God, but a myth only. Creation was finished, 
and the Great Principle was at rest. 

But somehow, and because of the carelessness, no doubt, of 
the early translators, a second creation was started, after the 
seventh day. But the story of this supplementary creation, 
related in the second chapter of Genesis, is purely mythical and 
imaginary, Mrs. Glover declared. It is due entirely to mis 
interpretation, and is wholly untrustworthy. How this belief 
in a further creation started is not explained, even in Science 
and Health, but it seemed to originate with the discovery that 
" God had not caused it to rain upon the earth, and there was 

6 This theory is the basis of the Christian Science belief that children born 
of the flesh are not born according to the " science of being." Christian 
Science discourages the birth of children in the usual way, but permits it as 
" expedient " for the present. In the future when, as they believe, the world 
shall be more spiritual, children will appear as products of Spirit only, and 
they will come by whatever means they are desired. " Should universal mind 
or belief adopt the appearing of a star as its formula of creation, the advent 
of mortal man would commence as a star." " Belief may adopt any condition 
whatever, and that will become its imperative mode of cause and effect." 
"Knowledge will . . . diminish and lose estimate in the sight of man; 
and Spirit instead of matter be made the basis of generation." 


not a man to till the ground." Mrs. Glover had already pointed 
out that rain and light were not necessary to the growth of 
vegetation, and there was not a man to till the ground because, 
to quote Mrs. Glover, " there was no necessity of it," for " the 
earth brought forth spontaneously, and man lived not because 
of matter." " Man was the Idea of Spirit, and this Idea tilled 
not the ground for bread." 

" But," we are told in that fatal second chapter of Genesis, 
" there went up a mist from the earth and watered the whole 
face of the ground." That was error, " the figurative mist 
of earth," and " that which started from a matter basis," 
in Mrs. Glover's interpretation. " And," to quote Genesis 
again, " the Lord God formed man of the dust of the ground, 
and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life, and man 
became a living soul." Here, then, was the beginning of a 
" belief of life in matter," and this belief has accompanied us 
throughout the ages. " The first record," says Science and 
Health, " was science ; the second was metaphorical and myth 
ical," and " the supposed utterances of matter." 

Mrs. Glover thought it was unfortunate that whoever wrote 
the first reports of the creation had not, by making judicious 
comments, indicated which was the true and which the make- 
believe record : " Had the record divided the first statement of 
creation from the fabulous second, by saying ' after Truth's 
creation we will name the opposite belief of error, regarding 
the origin of the universe and man,' it would have separated 
the tares from wheat, and we should have reached sooner the 
spiritual significance of the Bible." But there was no clue, 
and the error went on. 


This man of error, who was formed after creation was fin 
ished, was named Adam. The significance of his name is not 
explained in the first edition of Science and Health, but in later 
editions, Mrs. Eddy, ignoring the Hebraic origin of the word, 
gives it this literal interpretation : " Divide the name Adam into 
two syllables, and it reads, A dam, or obstruction." Adam 
was to obstruct our growth in spirituality. Adam, the belief 
of life in matter, was the first " mortal man," and with him 
came sickness, sin, and death, and all the troop of error. 

Adam, being a " product of belief," and Eve a product of 
Adam, " both were beliefs of Life in matter." At once they set 
about their " mortal " mischief. They ate of the tree of knowl 
edge, which was " the symbol of error," in which originated 
" theology, materia medica, mesmerism, and every other 'ology 
and 'ism under the sun." The fruit of the tree which Eve 
gave to Adam was, Mrs. Glover suggested, " a medical work, 

The driving of Adam out of Eden is " a clear and distinct 
separation of Adam, error, from harmony and Truth, wherein 
Soul and Sense, person and Principle, Spirit and matter, are 
forever separate." The history of Adam and his descendants, 
then, is one of mortality and error, an evil dream that has no 
reality, and this is Mrs. Glover's contention. " There is no 
mortal man, or reality to error," she declared. We are not as 
we have thought, the descendants of Adam ; but we are the off 
spring of that first nameless man who dwelt with God before 
Adam was. We have been so influenced, however, by the 
Adam belief that we have lost sight of our true inheritance. 

The immediate outlook for the sons of error is not encourag- 


ing, for we are told that " error will continue for seven thousand 
years, from the time of Adam, its origin. At the expiration 
of this period Truth will be generally comprehended, and 
science roll back the darkness that now hides the eternal sun 
shine and lift the curtain on Paradise, where earth produces 
at the command of Intelligence, and Soul, instead of sense, 
govern man." 

Mrs. Glover believed thoroughly that, in the meantime, it 
was her mission to restore to man his original state of spiritu 
ality. Throughout the centuries since Adam, there has been 
but one other who brought the message of " science " to man 
kind. " Jesus of Nazareth," Mrs. Glover wrote, " was the most 
scientific man of whom we have any record." " The Principle 
He demonstrated was beyond question, science," and she refers 
to Him as " The great Teacher of Christian Science," and 
the " Pioneer of the science of Life." 

Mrs. Glover's explanation of the dual nature of Christ was 
like Quimby's. Christ she defined as God, or " the Principle 
and Soul of the man Jesus ; constituting Christ-Jesus, that is, 
Principle and Idea." But Mrs. Glover went farther than 
Quimby and presented a new explanation of the origin and 
birth of Christ. She said : " Why Jesus of Nazareth stood 
higher in the scale of being, and rose proportionately beyond 
other men in demonstrating God, we impute to His spiritual 
origin. He was the offspring of Soul, and not sense; yea, the 
son of God. The science of being was revealed to the virgin 
mother, who in part proved the great Truth that God is the 
only origin of man. The conception of Jesus illustrated this 
Truth and finished the example of creation." The birth 


of Christ without a physical father was, in Mrs. Glover's 
idea, an advance toward the science of being, which dis 
penses not only with the physical father, but the physical 
mother as well, and declares that man is born of Spirit only. 
In support of her argument, Mrs. Glover referred to the fact 
that some of the lower forms of animal life propagate their 
kind by self-division, and she said : " the butterfly, bee, etc., 
propagating their species without the male element . . . corro 
borates science, proving plainly that the origin of the universe 
and man depends not on material conditions." Self-division 
and parthenogenesis are, apparently, held to be less material 
methods of reproduction, and less in accordance with natural 
law, than methods in which the " male element " is employed. 

The idea that " God is the only author of man " came first, 
Mrs. Glover said, to the mother of Christ, and she demonstrated 
it, producing the child Jesus. " The illumination of spiritual 
sense had put to silence personal sense with Mary, thus master 
ing material law, and establishing through demonstration that 
God is the father of man," she wrote. Also : " The belief that 
life originates with the sexes is strongest in the most material 
natures ; whereas the understanding of the spiritual origin of 
man cometh only to the pure in heart. . . . Jesus was the off 
spring of Mary's self-conscious God-being in creative Wisdom." 

But the virgin mother, we are told, " proved the great Truth 
that God is the only origin of man," only " in part." If she 
had proved it completely she would have had to dispense with 
herself as mother; and in that case Jesus would have been a 
perfect demonstration of Mrs. Glover's " science of being." 
Being born, however, of an actual and visible mother, Jesus 


was not altogether free from the universal illusion of personal 
sense. He was the Idea of Principle, it is true, " but born of 
woman, that is, having in part a personal origin, he blended 
the idea of Life, that is, God, with the belief of Life in matter, 
and became the connecting link between science and personal 
sense ; thus to mediate between God and man." 

Although Mrs. Glover wrote many a page to prove that 
Spirit and matter cannot unite and must forever be separate, 
and was almost violently emphatic in her statement of this 
principle, she seemed unconscious of the fact that, in making 
God the spiritual father of Jesus, and Mary His personal 
mother, and their producing together, the child in whom was 
" blended " the idea of God with the belief of Life in matter, 
she was contradicting at all points the very thing she was so 
laboriously trying to prove. But Mrs. Glover was never afraid 
of contradicting herself, and her explanation accounted, in 
some manner, for the origin and nature of Christ, and such 
as it was, it was made to serve her purpose. 

It was, she said, the Son of God, or Christ, who " walked 
the wave and stilled the tempest," healed the sick, restored the 
blind, and declared that " I and the Father are one " ; and it 
was Mary's son, or Jesus, who endured temptation, suffered in 
Gethsemane, and died upon the cross. " Christ, understanding 
that Soul and body are Intelligence and its Idea, destroyed 
the belief that matter is something to be feared and that sick 
ness and death are superior to harmony and Life. His king 
dom was not of this world, He understood Himself Soul and 
not body, therefore He triumphed over the flesh, over sin and 
death. He came to teach and fulfil this Truth, that established 


the Kingdom of Heaven, or reign of harmony on earth." But 
the man Jesus was not unconscious of " matter conditions." 
Although, Mrs. Glover thought, He " experienced few of the 
so-called pleasures of personal sense; perhaps He knew its 
pains." This illustrated, also, that " Truth, in contact with 
error, produced chemicalisation." Chemicalisation, in Mrs. 
Glover's vocabulary, meant that when Truth and error, which 
cannot mingle, first come together, the contact of these two 
opposing forces, like the two parts of a Seidlitz powder, sets 
up a violent agitation and eruption. This is chemicalisation, 
and during its process Truth may sometimes seem to be affected 
by error, but when it subsides it is found that error is van 
quished, and Truth has prevailed. " Hence," said Mrs. Glover, 
" our Master's sufferings came through contact with sinners ; 
but Christ, the Soul of man, never suffered." She taught that 
" Had the Master utterly conquered the belief of Life in matter, 
He would not have felt their infirmities, but," she continued, 
" He had not yet risen to this His final demonstration." 

The death on the cross is interpreted as a " demonstration " 
of " science." " He r armitted them the opportunity to destroy 
His body mortal, chat He might furnish the proof of His 
immortal body m corroboration of what He taught, that the 
Life of man was God, and that body and Soul are inseparable. 
. . . Neither spear nor cross could harm Him; let them think 
to kill the body, and, after this, He would convince those He 
had taught this science, He was not dead, and possessed the 
same body as before. Why His disciples saw Him after the 
burial, when others saw Him not, was because they better under 
stood His explanations of the phenomenon." Christ had " tri- 


umphed over sense, and sat down at the right hand of the 
Father, having solved being on its Principle." 

The atonement received a new interpretation. Atonement 
means " at-one-ment " with God, Mrs. Glover said. " Jesus 
of Nazareth explained and demonstrated his oneness with the 
Father, for which we owe Him endless love and homage." But 
that is all. There was no sacrifice on Calvary. Christ's mis 
sion was to show us how to forsake the belief .of life in matter, 
" but not to do it for us, or to relieve us of a single responsi 
bility in the case." " ' Work out your own salvation,' is the 
demand of Life and Love," said Mrs. Glover, " and to this end 
God worketh with you." 

Prayer, as commonly practised, had no place in Mrs. Glover's 
religion, in which God is Principle and not Person. " To ad 
dress Deity as a Person," she said, " impedes spiritual progress 
and hides Truth." " Prayer is sometimes employed, like a 
Catholic confession, to cancel sin, and this impedes Christianity. 
Sin is not forgiven ; we cannot escape its penalty. . . . Suffer 
ing for sin is all that destroys it." " When we pray aright, 
we shall . . . shut the door of the lips, and in the silent sanctu 
ary of earnest longings, deny sin and sense, and take up the 
cross, while we go forth with honest hearts, labouring to reach 
Wisdom, Love, and Truth." 

Mrs. Glover gave a spiritual interpretation of the Lord's 
prayer, converting it from a supplication to an affirmation of 
the properties of the Deity as she conceived them: 

Harmonious and eternal Principle of man, 

Nameless and Adorable Intelligence, 

Spiritualise man; 

Control the discords of matter with the harmony of Spirit. 


Give us the understanding of God, 

And Truth will destroy sickness, sin, and death, as it destroys the belief 
of intelligent matter, 

And lead man into Soul, and deliver him from personal sense, 
For God is Truth, Life, and Love forever. 7 

When Science and Health was first published, Mrs. Glover 
believed that church organisations, church buildings, and 
" creeds, rites, and doctrines," were obstructions to spiritual 
growth. " We have no need of creeds and church organisa 
tions." " The mistake the disciples of Jesus made to found 
religious organisations and church rites, if indeed they did 
this, was one the Master did not make." " No time was lost 
by our Master in organisations, rites, and ceremonies, or in 
proselyting for certain forms of belief." " We have no record 
that forms of church worship were instituted by our great 
spiritual teacher, Jesus of Nazareth, ... a magnificent edifice 
was not the sign of Christ's church." " Church rites and cere 
monies have nothing to do with Christianity . . . they draw 
us toward material things . . . away from spiritual Truth." 
" Worshipping in temples made with hands ... is not the true 
worship." " The soft palm upturned to a lordly salary, and 
architectural power making dome and spire tremulous with 

' This prayer has been re-interpreted in the successive editions of Science 
and Health, and in the last edition (1909) it reads as follows, the lines alter 
nating with the Lord's Prayer as given in the New Testament : 

Our Father which art in heaven, 

Our Father-Mother God, all Harmonious, 

Hallowed he thy name, 

Adorable One, 

Thy Kingdom come, 

Thy Kingdom is come; Thou art ever present. 

Thy will be done on earth as it is in Heaven. 

Enable us to know, as in Heaven, so on earth, God is omnipotent, supreme. 

Give us this day our daily bread ; 

Give us grace for today; feed the famished affections; 

And forgive us our debts as we forgive our debtors ; 

And Love is reflected in Jove; 

And lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil ; 

And God leadeth us not into temptation, but delivereth us from sin, disease, 
and death. 

For Thine is the Kingdom, and the power, and the glory, forever. 

For God is infinite, all power, all Life, Truth, Love, over all and All. 


beauty, that turns the poor and stranger from the gate, shuts 
the door on Christianity." " The man of sorrows was not in 
danger from salaries or popularity." 8 

Mrs. Glover's theory of the origin of disease was based upon 
Quimby's science of health. Her fundamental proposition was, 
like Quimby's, that mind is the only causation, and that disease, 
as well as all other disharmonies of man, is due to man's stead 
fast belief that his body contains certain properties over which 
his mind has no control. But, enlarging upon the Quimby 
theory, Mrs. Glover declared that the body itself is a mere 
supposition which mankind has imagined for itself and has 
come to believe in implicitly. Starting from her standpoint 
that man is an immortal, spiritual being, having a form, it is 
true, as he at present believes, but that form being a " sensa- 
tionless body," an inanimate figure, which may live, breathe, 
and move, not in accordance with any laws of its own, but 
in response only to the will of its owner, who is Spirit, Mrs. 
Glover argued that this spiritual body of man cannot see, 
hear, feel, smell, or taste, except as Spirit desires. He can 
not think, or reason, or perform any of the physical or mental 
functions commonly attributed to man, only as Spirit wills. 
Spirit, in her idea, is the man. The body is the mere instru 
ment of Spirit. 

This Spirit, which governs the body and owns it, is not 
an individual spirit. There are not just so many bodies and an 
equal number of spirits to govern them. Spirit, as described, 

8 Since 1875 Mrs. Eddy's ideas of church buildings and church organisations 
have been considerably broadened. Her organised churches are now more than 
six hundred in number, nnd her congregations worship in costly temples, and 
have a very complete ecclesiastical system ; and the founder of the church and 
the head of the entire church system is Mrs. Eddy herself. 


is singular, general, and pervasive; and mankind, as well as 
trees, animals, and all phenomena, is simply the furniture of 
the universe, made for the use and convenience of universal 
Spirit. These sensationless bodies of Spirit were not very 
clearly defined, but in some places in her book Mrs. Glover said 
that they are " immortal " and " indestructible." 

It follows that this sensationless body cannot, by any possi 
bility, know, of and by itself, either sickness or health. It 
can have no sensation whatever, and in Mrs. Glover's system, 
this spiritual man, whose body is sensationless, is the only man 
that exists. Man, as we know him, a combination of brain, 
nerves, muscle, etc., is that false, hereditary image of physical 
life which we inherited from Adam. Along with our belief in 
this physical body, we have inherited a deeply-rooted conviction 
that this mythical body is capable of certain sensations, such 
as sight, hearing, etc., and is susceptible to the influences of 
the mythical physical conditions about it. This belief has given 
rise to other beliefs, and the result is that man has invented 
a very intricate and complicated system of physical life, giving 
names and attributes to various parts of his body, and clothing 
it and feeding it, in the belief that it requires clothes and food 
for comfort and nourishment. And, most remarkable of all, 
he has come to believe that his body can be sick, and can suffer 
from a derangement of its parts. Labouring under this de 
lusion, man has imagined that, by administering certain rem 
edies to his body, this mythical body will be pleased, and will 
often consent to get well. If not, if man believes very firmly 
that his body is very sick, and that it cannot get well, then 
the remedies do not please his body and it will not consent 


to get well. Then man becomes convinced that his body ceases, 
of its own volition, to live, and that it is then dead and has 
no longer power to see, smell, hear, think, or suffer. He be 
lieves also that his spirit, which he imagined had been imprisoned 
within his body, is, by the death of his body, set free, and 
that it then goes off to a world inhabited by other spirits of 
other dead bodies, and there continues to dwell. 

This, according to Science and Health, is the status of 
" material mankind " to-day. The mission of Jesus Christ 
was to lead man back to the way of Truth and to restore to 
him his rightful spiritual character and the power over his 
body and over all created things. But the work of Christ was 
incomplete. Although He gave His message, and made His 
demonstration, He could not finish His task because of " the 
materiality of the age " in which He lived. He practised and 
taught Christian Science, and Mrs. Glover went so far as to 
call Him its " pioneer " ; but He left no written statement of 
its theory, no text-book, and no formula? by which His disciples 
could permanently confound disease. That was left to Mrs. 
Glover, who, after centuries of ignorance, and when the world 
had lost sight of the real mission of its Saviour, appeared to 
" this age " to teach and demonstrate and write all Truth in 
its fulness. 

In applying her principle to the present material conditions, 
Mrs. Glover was emphatic and radical ; and it must be admitted 
that her discussions showed a wonderfully scant knowledge of 
matters that are merely temporary and mortal. This, however, 
in the light of her science, would have been considered a proof 
of her fitness for the task of demolishing mortality, for Mrs. 


Glover came, not to save, but to destroy all man-made knowledge 
and human institutions. In her world of Spirit, knowledge was 
an outcast, and the less she knew about what she called the 
" 'ologies and 'isms " the clearer and more searching was her 
spiritual vision. 

If man would get out of his material state and into the realm 
of Spirit and Intelligence, he must first, she told him, unlearn 
all that he had learned. All knowledge is harmful, particularly 
a knowledge of physiology, for it creates false beliefs, and, like 
obedience to " the so-called laws of health," it multiplies diseases 
and increases the death rate. Materia medica, physiology, 
hygiene, and drugs were the deadliest enemies to Mrs. Glover's 
science. The hardly-won knowledge of the physical scientists 
was, she declared, the densest and most harmful ignorance. 
Again and again she repeated, " there is no physical science," 
and taught her readers that all the laws of nature were to be 
defied and set at naught. In accordance with his spiritual 
nature and origin, man should never admit the belief that he 
has a physical body, or that he dwells in a world of matter 
which can affect his body. All things are at his command, 
and the beliefs of cold, heat, pain, or discomfort, should be 
dismissed at once ; and they will disappear. " Why," Mrs. 
Glover demanded, " should man bow down to flesh-brush, flannel, 
bath, diet, exercise, air, etc. ? " The belief that man requires 
food, clothing, and sleep, she said, is strengthened by the doc 
tors, and it is the doctors, too, who are principally to blame 
for the existence and continuance of disease. Disease is a 
habit, and the habit grows more prevalent as education and 
enlightenment spread, in proof of which she pointed out that 


there is less sickness among the uncivilised races and among 
animals than among the highly cultivated classes. " The less 
mind there is manifested in matter, the better. When the un 
thinking lobster loses his claw, it grows again." If man would 
believe that matter has no sensation " then the human limb 
would be replaced as readily as the lobster's claw." " Epizootic 
is an educated finery that a natural horse has not." " The 
snowbird sings and soars amid the blasts; he has no catarrh 
from wet feet." 

" Obesity," Mrs. Glover wrote, " is an adipose belief of 
yourself as a substance." " All the diseases on earth," said 
Science and Health, " never interfered for a moment with man's 
Life. Man is the same after, as before a bone is broken, or 
a head chopped off." But for the present, Mrs. Glover ad 
vised, if such accidents seem to occur one might as well seem 
to call a surgeon. " For a broken bone, or dislocated joint," 
she wrote naively, " 'tis better to call a surgeon, until mankind 
are farther advanced in the treatment of mental science. To 
attend to the mechanical part, a surgeon is needed to-day . . . 
but the time approaches when mind alone will adjust joints 
and broken bones, if," she added, " such things were possible 

Food is not necessary to nourish and sustain the body. 
" We have no evidence," said Mrs. Glover, " of food sustaining 
Life, except false evidence." " We learn in science food neither 
helps nor harms man." Yet Mrs. Glover took care to warn 
her readers not to be too radical on this point. " To stop 
utterly eating and drinking," she said, " until your belief 
changes in regard to these things, were error," and she ad- 


monished them to " get rid of your beliefs as fast as possible." 
In treating a patient, who is under the delusion of sickness, 
there is a stated method. It must first be thoroughly understood 
that his disease has its origin in the mind. His body may seem 
to suffer because it is at the mercy of his mind, and as long 
as his mind retains " a mental image " of toothache, cancer, 
tuberculosis, fever, dyspepsia, or any form of bodily discomfort, 
his body will respond and will seem to develop the particular 
belief of sickness that is in his mind. The object, then, is to 
abolish the mental picture of disease. The Christian Science 
healer " in case of decaying lungs, destroys in the mind of his 
patient this belief, and the Truth of being and immortality of 
man assert themselves . . . and the lungs become sound and 
regain their original proportions." The belief in the mind of 
the patient is not always easily destroyed, but the healer must 
be patient. " When healing the sick," said Mrs. Glover, " make 
your mental plea, or better, take your spiritual position that 
heals, silently at first, until you begin to win the case, and 
Truth is getting the better of error." That is, while the 
patient is lying before you, convulsed with pain, you must 
retreat within yourself and fight out the disease in a mental 
argument with error, contending that there is no pain and 
that the patient is deluded. This course, faithfully pursued, 
according to Science and Health, will result in an overwhelming 
conviction that the patient is not held in the throes of error, 
and the disease will begin to subside. " Then your patient is 
fit to listen," said Mrs. Glover, " and you can say to him, 
' Thou art whole,' without his scorn." She advised the healer 
to " explain to him audibly, sometimes, the power mind has 


over body, and give him a foundation ... to lean upon, that 
he may brace himself against old opinions." " The battle lies 
wholly between minds, and not bodies, to break down the beliefs 
of personal sense, or pain in matter, and stop its supposed 
utterances, so that the voice of Soul, the immortality of man, 
is heard." 

As a preventative of disease, Christian Science is equally 
effective. " You can prevent or cure scrofula, hereditary dis 
ease, etc., in just the ratio you expel from mind a belief in the 
transmission of disease, and destroy its mental images ; this will 
forestall the disease before it takes tangible shape in mind, 
that forms its corresponding image on the body." " When 
the first symptoms of disease appear, knowing they gain their 
ground in mind before they can in body, dismiss the first mental 
admission that you are sick; dispute sense with science, and 
if you can annul the false process of law, alias your belief in 
the case, you will not be cast into prison or confinement." 
" Speak to disease as one having authority over it." " Not to 
admit disease, is to conquer it." 

One of the signs that the healer's efforts are successful, and 
that Truth is working against error in the patient is " chem- 
icalisation," which has been previously referred to in this chap 
ter. In healing, chemicalisation first shows itself in a violent 
aggravation of all the patient's symptoms of disease, but neither 
the patient nor the healer should be alarmed at this. It is a 
beneficial process, and during it the error or poisonous thought 
in the patient's system will be thrown off, and when it is over 
the patient will be well. 

The patient can be treated just as effectively without the 


bodily presence of his healer, for the healer's mind can work 
upon the mind of his patient equally "well, be he absent or present. 
Absent treatment is, therefore, regularly practised in Christian 

Despite Mrs. Glover's protest against all " knowledge," she 
seemed to admit that her healers should know something of 
physiology and materia medica, sufficient, at least, to recog 
nise symptoms and to understand the names of both symptoms 
and diseases. " When healing mentally," she wrote, " call each 
symptom by name, and contradict its claims, as you would a 
falsehood uttered to your injury," for " if you call not the 
disease by name, when you address it mentally, the body will 
no more respond by recovery than a person will reply whose 
name is not spoken ; and you can not heal the sick by argument, 
unless you get the name of the disease." That is, if a patient 
happened to be labouring under the belief that he was afflicted 
with yellow fever, and the lay healer, whose knowledge of medical 
science is, by the terms of his religion, as limited as he can 
possibly make it, did not recognise the disease, and was ignorant 
of its name, then the healer could not heal, and Truth would 
stand powerless while the patient died of this rare and un 
familiar belief. 

In the contemplation of death, Mrs. Glover did not weaken 
in theory. Death is the great and final test of Christian Sci 
ence. It is, she said, " the last enemy to be overcome," and 
" much is to be understood before we gain this great point 
in science." Healers must " never consent to the death of man, 
but rise to the supremacy of spirit." But whether or not they 
consent to it, Mrs. Glover recognised that death, although false, 


is, for the present, an incontrovertible fact. " Contemplating 
a corpse," she wrote, " we behold the going out of a belief." 
One might conclude, from Mrs. Glover's reasoning, that a 
" corpse " might be exactly that " immortal " and " sensation- 
less " body which belongs to Spirit. The belief of Life in 
matter has " gone out." It is as " sensationless " as it is pos 
sible to be. Yet the all-powerful and all-pervading Principle, 
of which she said so many things, never quickens a " corpse " 
nor works its wonders through the dead. 

But in spite of her statement that death is " the going out 
of a belief," Mrs. Glover said in another passage : " If the 
change called death dispossessed man of the belief of pleasure 
and pain in the body, universal happiness were secure at the 
moment of dissolution; but this is not so; every sin and every 
error we possess at the moment of death remains after it the 
same as before, and our only redemption is in God, the Principle 
of man, that destroys the belief of intelligent bodies." 

The system seems altogether hopeless if one attempts to 
follow Mrs. Glover's reasoning. If a mortal man's belief in 
material life continues even after his mortal and material life 
is dissolved, it being all the time understood that " belief," 
" material life," and " mortal man " are one and the same, 
then what chance has man to become separated from his belief 
in himself? Mrs. Glover had a suspicion that all this was 
confusing and tried to help it out. "From the sudden "sur 
prise," she wrote, " of finding all that is mortal unreal, . . . 
the question arises, who or what is it that believes? " 

" God is the only Intelligence, and can not believe because 
He understands. . . . Intelligence is Soul and not sense, Spirit 


and not matter, and God is the only Intelligence, and there is 
but one God, hence there are no believers ! " That is the an 
swer. " So far as this statement is understood, it will be ad 
mitted," said Mrs. Glover; and who shall say that she is not 
right ? 

Among the many incidental ideas which Mrs. Glover added 
to Quimbyism is her qualified disapproval of marriage. Quimby 
had a large family and saw nothing unspiritual in marriage; 
and although Mrs. Glover had twice been married, and became 
a wife for the third time a year later, she believed that marriage 
had not a very firm spiritual basis. In defining the real pur 
pose of marriage she said nothing about children. " To hap- 
pify existence by constant intercourse with those adapted to 
elevate it, is the true purpose of marriage." " The scientific 
morale of marriage is spiritual unity. . . . Proportionately as 
human generation ceases, the unbroken links of eternal har 
monious being will be spiritually discerned." 

In addition to the development of her " science," Mrs. Glover 
described a later discovery in regard to it. Some of her " false 
students," she said, were substituting mesmerism for " science " 
when healing the sick. The chapters called " Imposition and 
Demonstration," and " Healing the Sick," are largely taken 
up with an account of how this false doctrine, which is a per 
version of Christian Science, originated, and a warning of its 
evil effects. This practice of mesmerism was the forerunner 
of what she later called " Malicious Animal Magnetism." The 

In a chapter called "Wedlock," in Miscellaneous Writings (18971, Mrs. 
Eddy, after an evasive discussion of the subject, squarely puts the question : 
"Is marriage nearer right than celibacy? Human knowledge inculcates that 
it is, while Science indicates that it is not." Also: "Human nature has 
bestowed on a wife the right to become a mother ; but if the wife esteems not 
this privilege, by mutual consent, exalted and increased affections, she may 
win a higher." 


story of its origin and development will be told in the next 

The book, Science and Health, has, since 1875, been through 
nearly five hundred editions. It has been revised and edited 
many times since the original version appeared, and there have 
been important additions to the doctrine from time to time; 
but the first edition contained, in the main, the body of the 
Christian Science faith as it is to-day. The first three editions 
of Science and Health were marred by bitter personal references 
to those whom Mrs. Glover considered her enemies. These de 
nunciations were summed up in a chapter called " Demonology," 
which was published in the third edition (see chapter xii). 
Mrs. Glover was persuaded by Rev. James H. Wiggin, her 
literary adviser, to omit this chapter from later editions, on 
the ground that it was libellous. The " Key to the Scriptures " 
was added to the book in 1884. It consisted originally of a 
" Glossary," in which certain words in the -Bible were given 
new meanings through Mrs. Glover's spiritual interpretation. 
For example, " death " is said to mean " an illusion " ; 
" Mother," should read " God " ; evening is " mistiness of 
mortal thought " ; " bridegroom " is " spiritual understanding," 
etc. This glossary was for the use of her students in reading 
the Bible. The most conspicuous addition to the doctrine is 
contained in the chapter called " Apocalypse," which was first 
printed in 1886. In this chapter Mrs. Eddy adopts a belief 
similar to the belief the Shakers entertain of their founder, 
Ann Lee, namely, that she is the woman referred to in the 
Apocalypse, and represents the " feminine principle of Deity." 

10 For other similarities to be found between the religious beliefs of the 
Shakers and Christian Science, see Appendix C. 


From the study of Quimby's theory, as given in chapter iii, 
and the foregoing statement of Mrs. Glover's more elaborate 
system, as contained in Science and Health, it will be seen 
that Quimby's " science of man," as he tried to teach and 
practise it, was simply a new way of applying an old truth; 
and that Mrs. Glover, in the process of making Quimby's idea 
her own, merely added to it certain abnormalities, which, if 
universally believed and practised, would make of Christian 
Science the revolt of a species against its own physical struc 
ture; against its relation to its natural physical environment; 
against the needs of its own physical organism, and against 
the perpetuation of its kind. But in spite of the radical 
doctrines laid down in Science and Health, neither Mrs. Glover 
nor her followers attempted to practise them in their daily 
lives ; nor do they do so now. In relation to their physical 
existence and surroundings, Mrs. Eddy and all Christian Scien 
tists live exactly as other people do; and while they write and 
teach that physical conditions should be ignored, and the seem 
ing life of the material world denied, they daily recognise their 
own mortality, and have a very lively sense of worldly thrift 
and prosperity. Mrs. Eddy's philosophy makes a double ap 
peal to human nature, offering food both to our inherent 
craving for the mystical and to our desire to do well in a worldly 
way, and teaching that these extremes are not incompatible in 
" science." Indeed, as one of the inducements offered to pur 
chasers of the first edition of Science and Health, Mrs. Glover 
advertised it as a book that " affords opportunity to acquire a 
profession by which you can accumulate a fortune," and in the 
book itself she said that " Men of business have said this science 


was of great advantage from a secular point of view." And 
in later and more prosperous days Mrs. Eddy ha's written in 
satisfied retrospect : " In the early history of Christian Science 
among my thousands of students few were wealthy. Now, 
Christian Scientists are not indigent ; and their comfortable 
fortunes are acquired by healing mankind morally, physically, 
and spiritually." Whatever may be the Christian Science 
theories regarding the nothingness of other forms of matter, 
the various forms of currency continue to appear very real 
to the spiritualised vision of its followers. Mrs. Eddy insists 
that her healers shall be well paid. The matter of payment 
has, she thinks, an effect upon the patient who pays. She 
says : " Christian Science demonstrates that the patient who 
pays what he is able to pay is more apt to recover than he 
who withholds a slight equivalent for health." Worldly pros 
perity, indeed, plays an important part in the Christian Science 
religion to-day. It is, singularly enough, considered a sign 
of spirituality in a Christian Scientist. Poverty is believed 
to be an error, like sin, sickness, and death ; " and Christian 
Scientists aim to make what they call their " financial demon 
stration " early in their experience. A poor Christian Scientist 
is as much of an anomaly as a sick Christian Scientist. 

11 We were demonstrating over a lack of means, which we had learned was 
just as much a claim of error to be overcome with Truth as ever sickness 
or sin was. Contributor to the Christian Science Journal, September, 1898. 

The lack of means is a lupine ghost sired by the same spectre as the lack 
of health, and both must be met and put to flight by the same mighty means of 
our spiritual warfare. Contributor to the Christian Science Journal, October, 





Indeed, one of the most primitive and fundamental shapes which the 
relation of cause and effect takes in the savage mind, is the assumed con 
nection between disease or death and some malevolent personal agency. . . . 
The minds of civilised people have become familiar with the conception of 
natural law, and that conception has simply stifled the old superstition as 
clover chokes out weeds. . . . The disposition to believe was one of the 
oldest inheritances of the human mind, while the capacity for estimating 
evidence in cases of physical causation is one of its very latest and most 
laborious acquisitions. JOHN FISKE. 

AT the beginning of 1877, her seventh year as a teacher 
in Lynn, Mrs. Eddy and her Science were little known outside 
of Essex County, though the first edition of Science and Health 
had been published more than a year before, and the author 
was busy preparing a second edition. Her loyal students, 
however, believed that she was on the way to obtain wider 
recognition. Miss Dorcas Rawson, Mrs. Miranda Rice, and 
Daniel Spofford laboured unceasingly for her interests. Mr. 
Eddy, immediately upon his marriage, withdrew from practice, 
dropping the patients he had taken over from Mr. Spofford, and 
devoted himself entirely to his wife's service. Three days after 
her marriage Mrs. Eddy wrote to one of her students concerning 
Mr. Eddy : " I feel sure that I can teach my husband up to a 



higher usefulness, to purity, and the higher development of all 
his latent noble qualities of head and heart." 

In spite of the frequent jars and occasional lawsuits between 
Mrs. Eddy and her students, new candidates for instruction 
were constantly attracted by the Science taught at Number 8 
Broad Street, where the large sign, " Mary B. Glover's Chris 
tian Scientists' Home " still aroused the curiosity of the 

The Christian Science faith has, from the beginning, owed 
its growth to its radical principle that sickness of soul and 
body are delusions which can be dispelled at will, and that the 
natural state of the human creature is characterised by health, 
happiness, and goodness. The message which Mrs. Eddy 
brought to Lynn was substantially that God is not only all- 
good, all-powerful, and all-present, but that there is nothing 
but God in all the Universe; that evil is a non-existent thing, 
a sinister legend which has been handed down from generation 
to generation until it has become a fixed belief. Mrs. Eddy's 
mission was to uproot this implanted belief and to emancipate 
the race from the terrors which had imprisoned it for so many 
thousands of years. " Ye shall know the Truth," she said, 
" and the Truth shall make you free." 

Yet Mrs. Eddy herself was not always well, was not always 
happy. She used at first to account for this seeming incon 
sistency by explaining that she bore in her own person the ills 
from which she released others. When sick or distraught, Mrs. 
Eddy frequently reminded her students that Jesus Christ was 
bruised for our transgressions and bore upon His shoulders 
the sin and weakness of the world He came to save. She 


apparently did not realise that Christ, by the very act of His 
atonement, admitted the reality of sin, while she, having denied 
its existence, had forfeited any logical right to suffer because 
of it. The missionary who frees the savage from the fear of 
demons and witchcraft, and the nurse who assures the child 
that there is no evil thing lurking for him in the dark, do not 
suffer from the enlightenment they bring, and they do not 
assume the fear which the child casts off. Mrs. Eddy, on the 
contrary, for many years believed that she herself suffered 
from the torturing belief she had taken away from others. The 
reader will remember that in 1863 Mrs. Eddy wrote to Dr. 
Quimby that while treating her nephew, Albert Tilton, to rid 
him of the habit of smoking, she herself felt a desire to smoke. 
By 1877 Mrs. Eddy not only believed that she suffered from 
the physical ills from which her students were released, but 
declared that her students followed her in thought and selfishly 
took from her to feed their own weakness. The work upon the 
second edition of her book could not go on because they nour 
ished themselves upon her and sapped her powers. 

By the 1st of April, three months after her marriage to 
Mr. Eddy, she was almost in despair, and on April 7th she 
wrote one of her students : " I sometimes think I can not hold 
on till the next edition is out. Will you not help me so far as 
is in your power, in this way? Take Miss Norman, she is an 
interesting girl and help her through. She will work for the 
cause but she will swamp me if you do not take hold. I am 
at present such a tired swimmer, unless you do this I have more 
than I can carry at present. Direct your thoughts and every 
body's else that you can away from me, don't talk of me." 


A week later she fulfilled an old threat, and, attended by her 
husband, went away for some weeks, leaving no address ; 
" driven," as she said, " into the wilderness." She felt that 
if her students did not know her whereabouts, their minds could 
not <so persistently prey upon hers. The following letter to 
Daniel Spofford is postmarked Boston, April 14th, but seems 
to have' been written upon the eve of Mrs. Eddy's flight from 

DEAR STUDENT This hour of my departure I pick up from the carpet 
a piece of paper write you a line to say I am at length driven into the 
wilderness. Everything needs me in science, my doors are thronged, the 
book lies waiting, but those who call on me mentally in suffering are in 
belief killing me ! Stopping my work that none but me can do in their 
supreme selfishness; how unlike the example I have left them! Tell 
this to Miss Brown, Mr. McLauthlen, Mrs. Atkinson, and Miss Norman 1 
but do not let them know they can call on me thus if they are doing this 
ignorantly and if they do it consciously tell McLauthlen and them all 
it would be no greater crime for them to come directly and thrust a 
dagger into my heart they are just as surely in belief killing me and 
committing murder. 

The sin lies at their door and for them to meet its penalty sometime. 
You can teach them better, see you do this. 

O! Harry, 2 the book must stop. I can do no more now if ever. They 
lay on me suffering inconceivable. MARY. 

If the students will continue to think of me and call on me, I shall at 
last defend myself and this will be to cut them off from me utterly in 
a spiritual sense by a bridge they cannot pass over and the effect of 
this on them they will then learn. 

I will let you hear from me as soon as I can bear this on account of my 
health; and will return to prosecute my work on the Book as soon as I 
can safely. I am going far away and shall remain until you will do 
your part and give me some better prospect. 

Ever truly, 


1 Four of Mrs. Eddy's students. Miss Brown was an invalid of Ipswich. Miss 
Norman was also of Ipswich, and a friend of Miss Brown. Mrs. Atkinson was 
the wife of Mayor Atkinson of Newburyport. Mr. George T. McLauthlen was 
a manufacturer of machinery in Boston. 

2 Mr. Spofford's Christian name is Daniel Harrison. Mrs. Eddy always called 
him " Harry." 


Mrs. Eddy believed that her students not only depended upon 
her for their own moral and physical support, but that, when 
treating their patients, their minds naturally turned to her, 
in whom dwelt the healing principle, and unconsciously coupled 
her in thought with the ill of the patient, which was thus trans 
ferred to her. 

Even after she had escaped into solitude, the book progressed 
but slowly, and she complained that whenever she had succeeded 
in concentrating herself upon her work, the beliefs (illnesses) 
of other people would seize her " as sensibly as a hand." From 
Boston, shortly after her departure, she wrote to a trusted 
student one of those incoherent letters which indicate the ex 
citement under which Mrs. Eddy sometimes laboured. 

April, 1877, Sunday. 

DEAR STUDENT: I am in Boston to-day feeling very very little better 
for the five weeks that are gone. I cannot finish the Key 3 yet I will 
be getting myself and all of a sudden I am seized as sensibly by some 
others belief as the hand could lay hold of me my suiferings have made 
me utterly weaned from this plane and if my husband was only willing 
to give me up I would gladly yield up the ghost of this terrible earth 
plane and join those nearer my Life. . . . Cure Miss Brown 4 or I 
shall never finish my book. Truly yrs. M. 

A letter to Mr. Spofford, written a week after she left 
Lynn, and postmarked Fair Haven, Conn., shows that despite 
her sufferings she was eagerly planning for the second edition 
of her book and that, notwithstanding the cold reception of 
the first edition, her faith in its ultimate success was unshaken. 

April 19, 1877. 

MY DEAR STUDENT, ... I will consider the arrangement for em 
bellishing the book. I had fixed on the picture of Jesus and a sick man 
the hand of the former outstretched to him as in rebuke of the disease; 

3 Key to tlie Scriptures. 

4 The student from Ipswich referred to in the preceding letter. 


or waves and an ark. The last will cost less I conclude and do as well. 
No rainbow can be made to look right except in colours and that cannot 
be conveniently arranged in gilt. Now for the printing would 480 pages 
include the Key to Scriptures and the entire work as it now is? The 
book entitled Science and Health is to embrace the chapter on Physiology 
all the same as if this chapter was not compiled in a separate volume; 
perhaps you so understand it. If the cost is what you stated, I advise 
you to accept the terms for I am confident in the sale of two editions 
more there can be a net income over and above it all. If I get my health 
again I can make a large demand for the book for I shall lecture and 
this will sell one edition of a thousand copies (if I can stand it). I am 
better, some. One circumstance I will name. The night before I left, 
and before I wrote you those fragments, Miss Brown went into con 
vulsions from a chemical, was not expected to live, but came out of it 
saying she felt perfectly well and as well as before the injury supposed 
to have been received. I thought at that time if she was not " born 
again " the Mother would die in her labours. O, how little my students can 
know what it all costs me. Now, I thank you for relieving me a little 
in the other case, please see her twice a week; in healing you are benefitting 
yourself, in teaching you are benefitting others. I would not advise you 
to change business at present the rolling stone gathers no moss; persevere 
in one line and you can do much more than to continually scatter your 
fire. Try to get students into the field as practitioners and thus healing 
will sell the book and introduce the science more than aught but my 
lecturing can do. Send the name of any you can get to study for the 
purpose of practising and in six months or thereabouts we will have them 
in the field helping you. If you have ears to hear you will understand. 
Send all letters to Boston. T. O. Gilbert will forward them to me at 

Now for the writings you named. I will make an agreement with you 
to publish the book the three years from the time you took it and have 
twenty-five per cent royalty paid me; at the end of this period we will 
make other arrangements or agreements or continue those we have made 
just as the Spirit shall direct me. I feel this is the best thing for the 
present to decide upon. During these years we shall have a treasurer 
such as we shall agree upon and the funds deposited in his or her hands 
and drawn for specified purposes, at the end of these three years if we 
dissolve partnership the surplus amount shall be equally divided between 
us; and this is the best I can do. All the years I have expended on that 
book, the labour I am still performing, and all I have done for students 
and the cause gratuitously, entitle me to some income now that I am 
unable to work. But as it is I have none and instead am sued for $2,700 5 

B Reference to George W. Barry's suit for payment for services rendered. 
See Chapter X. 


for what? for just this, I have allowed my students to think I have no 
rights, and they can not wrong me ! 

May God open their eyes at length. 

If you conclude not to carry the work forward on the terms named, 
it will have to go out of edition as I can do no more for it, and I believe 
this hour is to try my students who think they have the cause at heart 
and see if it be so. My husband is giving all his time and means to help 
me up from the depths in which these students plunge me and this is all 
he can do at present. Please write soon. 

As ever, 


Send me the two books that are corrected and just as soon as you 
can, and I with Gilbert will read them. 6 

Please tell me if you are going to have the chapter on Physiology in a 
book by itself that I may get the preface ready as soon as I am able. 

I do nothing else when I have a day I can work. Will send you the 
final corrections soon. 

Think of me when you feel strong and well only, and think only of me 
as well 

Ever yrs. in 



It is an interesting fact that, however incoherent Mrs. Eddy 
became in other matters, she was never so in business. Through 
hysteria and frantic distress of mind, her shrewd business sense 
remained alert and keen. When, upon receipt of this letter, 
Mr. Spofford wrote her that he did not see how he could pay 
all the cost of printing, advertising, and putting the second 
edition upon the market, and still pay Mrs. Eddy her twenty- 
five cent, royalty upon each copy sold, she replied to him that 
her work upon the book would more than offset his invested 
capital : 

" The conditions I have named to you," she wrote, " I think 
are ju$t. I give three years and more to offset the capital 

6 Mr. Spofford had agreed to mark the typographical and other errors in 
two copies of the first edition of Science and Health. 


you put into printing. . . . Now dear student you can work 
as your teacher has done before you, unselfishly, as you wish to 
and gain the reward of such labour ; meantime you can be fitting 
yourself for a higher plane of action and its reward." 

The above letters, with their refrain of dread, seem anomalous 
from one who had discovered the secret of health and happiness. 
Although she absolutely denied the influence of heredity, Mrs. 
Eddy told her students that she had a congenital susceptibility 
to assume the mental and physical ills of others. She felt that 
such a state was incompatible with a full realisation of the 
principles of Christian Science, and in the first edition of Science 
and Health she says of Christ: 

He bore their sins in his own person; that is, he felt the suffering their 
error brought, and through this consciousness destroyed error. Had the 
Master utterly conquered the belief of Life in matter, he would not have 
felt their infirmities; he had not yet risen to this his final demonstration. 7 

Mrs. Eddy believed that she herself in time overcame this 
weakness, and says in the edition of 1881 : 

In years past we suffered greatly for the sick when healing them, but 
even that is all over now, and we cannot suffer for them. But when we 
did suffer in belief, our joy was so great in removing others sufferings 
that we bore ours cheerfully and willingly. This self-sacrificing love has 
never left us, but grows stronger every year of our earth life. 8 

Malicious mesmerism, an important addition to Mrs. Eddy's 
Science, was developed gradually, almost by chance. Even the 
most haphazard philosopher is likely at some time to have to 
account for the element of evil, but Mrs. Eddy came to do so 
purely through the exigencies of circumstances, and was quite 
unconscious that she was repeating history. She added to her 

7 Science and Health (1875), p. 130. 

8 Science and Health (1881), chapter vi. p. 38. 


philosophy from time to time, to meet this or that emergency, 
very much as a householder adds an ell or a wing to accom 
modate a growing family. Christian Science as it stands to 
day is a kind of autobiography in cryptogram; its form was 
determined by a temperament, and it retains all the convolutions 
of the curiously duplex personality about which it grew. 

When Richard Kennedy left Mrs. Eddy in 1872, she was 
confronted by a trying situation. It was inconceivable to her 
that, having broken away, he should not try to harm her, and 
she felt that his very popularity put her in the wrong. The 
means with which Mrs. Eddy met emergencies were often, in 
deed almost always, in themselves ill-adapted to her ends; but 
she had a truly feminine adroitness in making the wrong tool 
serve. When she thought it necessary to discredit Mr. Kennedy 
and to demonstrate that his success was illegitimate, she caught 
up the first weapon at hand, which happened to be mesmerism. 
Mesmerism loomed large in Mrs. Eddy's vision just then, for 
only a few months before Wallace W. Wright had published 
a number of articles in the Lynn Transcript, asserting that the 
Science taught by Mrs. Eddy was identical with mesmerism. 
She had been obliged to confess that there was an outward 
similarity. Here was the solution, ready made. When Ken 
nedy left her, he left true Metaphysics behind. How, then, 
could he still succeed? By mesmerism, that dangerous counter 
feit which so resembled the true coin. Mrs. Eddy thus ex 
plained her discovery: 

Some newspaper articles falsifying the science, calling it mesmerism, 
etc., but especially intended, as the writer informed us, to injure its 
author, precipitated our examination of mesmerism in contradistinction 
l .o our metaphysical science of healing based on the science of Life. Filled 


with revenge and evil passions, the mal-practitioner can only depend on 
manipulation, and rubs the heads of patients years together, fairly in 
corporating their minds through this process, which claims less respect 
the more we understand it, and learn its cause. Through the control this 
gives the practitioner over patients, he readily reaches the mind of the 
community to injure another or promote himself, but none can track his 
foul course. 9 

Without a doubt Mrs. Eddy had speculated somewhat upon 
the possibility of a malignant use of mind power before Ken 
nedy's separation from her, but she never got very far with 
abstractions until she had a human peg to hang them on. Her 
indignation against Kennedy gave her reflections upon the 
subject of malignant mind power a vigorous impetus, and she 
fell to work to develop the converse of her original proposition 
with almost as much fervour and industry as she had bestowed 
upon the proposition itself. She thus explained her discovery 
of Kennedy's " malpractice " : 

Some years ago, the history of one of our 10 young students, as known 
to us and many others, diverged into a dark channel of its own, whereby 
the unwise young man reversed our metaphysical method of healing, and 
subverted his mental power apparently for the purposes of tyranny 
peculiar to the individual. A stolid moral sense, great want of spiritual 
sentiment, restless ambition, and envy, embedded in the soil of this student's 
nature, metaphysics brought to the surface, and he refused to give them 
up, choosing darkness rather than light. His motives moved in one groove, 
the desire to subjugate; a despotic will choked his humanity. Carefully 
veiling his character, through unsurpassed secretiveness, he wore the mask 
of innocence and youth. But he was young only in years; a marvelous 
plotter, dark and designing, he was constantly surprising us, and we half 
shut our eyes to avoid the pain of discovery, while we struggled with the 
gigantic evil of his character, but failed to destroy it. ... The second 
year of his practice, when we discovered he was malpractising, and told 
him so, he avowed his intention to do whatever he chose with his mental 
power, spurning a Christian life, and exulting in the absence of moral 

Science and Health (1875), p. 375. 

"Throughout this chapter on Demonology Mrs. Eddy uses the editorial "we" 
In referring to herself. Mr. Eddy is designated as " our husband." 


restraint. The sick clung to him when he was doing them no good, and 
he made friends and followers with surprising rapidity, but retained them 
only so long as his mesmeric influence was kept up and his true character 
unseen. The habit of his misapplication of mental power grew on him 
until it became a secret passion of his to produce a state of mind de 
structive to health, happiness, or morals. . . . His mental malpractice 
has made him a moral leper that would be shunned as the most prolific 
cause of sickness and sin did the sick understand the cause of their 
relapses and protracted treatment, the husband the loss of his wife, and 
the mother the death of her child, etc. 11 

Mrs. Eddy had always been able to wring highly-coloured 
experiences from the most unpromising material, and she never 
accomplished a more astonishing feat than when she managed 
to see a melodramatic villain in Richard Kennedy. Her hatred 
of Kennedy was one of the strongest emotions she had ever felt, 
really a tragic passion in its way, and since the cheerful, ener 
getic boy who had inspired it was in no way an adequate 
object, she fell to and made a Kennedy of her own. She fash 
ioned this hypothetical Kennedy bit by bit, believing in him 
more and more as she put him together. She gave him one 
grisly attribute after another, and the more terrible she made 
her image, the more she believed in it and hated and feared 
it ; and the more she hated and feared it, the more furiously she 
wrought upon it, until finally her creation, a definite shape of 
fear and hatred, stood by her day and night to harry and tor 
ment her. 

Without Malicious Mesmerism as his cardinal attribute, the 
new and terrible Kennedy could never have been made. It was 
like the tragic mask which presented to an Athenian audience 
an aspect of horror such as no merely human face could wear. 
By a touch really worthy of an artist Mrs. Eddy made the 

11 Science and Health (1881), chapter vi, p. 2. 


boy's youth, agreeable manner, and even his fresh colour con 
ducive to a sinister effect. Given such a blithe and genial 
figure, and suppose in him a power over the health and emo 
tions of other people, and a morbid passion for using it to the 
most atrocious ends, and you have indeed the young Nero, 
which title Mrs. Eddy so often applied to Kennedy. 

Mrs. Eddy feared this imaginary Kennedy as only things 
born of the imagination can be feared, and dilated upon his 
corrupt nature and terrible power until her new students, when 
they met the actual, unconscious Kennedy upon the street, shud 
dered and hurried away. During the sleepless nights which 
sometimes followed an outburst of her hatred, Mrs. Eddy would 
pace the floor, exclaiming to her sympathetic students : " Oh, 
why does not some one kill him? Why does he not die? " 

She afterward wrote of him : 

Among our very first students was the mesmerist aforesaid, who has 
followed the cause of metaphysical healing as a hound follows his prey, 
to hunt down every promising student if he cannot place them in his track 
and on his pursuit. Never but one of our students was a voluntary mal- 
practitioner ; he has made many others. . . . This malpractitioner tried 
his best to break down our health before we learned the cause of our 
sufferings. It was difficult for us to credit the facts of his malice or to 
admit they lie within the pale of mortal thought." 

To Richard Kennedy and his mesmeric power Mrs. Eddy 
began to attribute, not only her illnesses, but all her vexations 
and misfortunes ; any lack of success in her ventures, any 
difficulties with her students. 

In the famous chapter on Demonology she enumerates a long 
list of friends whose warm regard for her was destroyed by 
Kennedy's mesmeric power. " Our lives," she writes, " have 
"Science and Health (1881), chapter vi, p. 34. 


since floated apart down the river of years." She charges this 
" mental assassin " with even darker crimes. 

The husband of a lady who was the patient of this malpractitioner 
poured out his grief to us and said: "Dr. K has destroyed the happiness 
of my home, ruined my wife, etc."; and after that, he finished with a double 
crime by destroying the health of that wronged husband so that he died. 
We say that he did these things because we have as much evidence of it 
as ever we had of the existence of any sin. The symptoms and circumstances 
of the cases, and the diagnosis of their diseases, proved the unmistakable 
fact. His career of crime surpasses anything that minds in general can 
accept at this period. We advised him to marry a young lady whose 
affection he had won, but he refused; subsequently she was wedded to 
a nice young man, and then he alienated her affections from her husband. 11 

The real Richard Kennedy must not be confounded with the 
smiling Elagabalus of Mrs. Eddy's imagination. While she 
was perfecting her creation, the flesh-and-blood Kennedy was 
establishing an enviable record for uprightness, kindliness, and 
purity of character. In 1876 he became prosperous enough 
to move his office to Boston. There he was, as he had been in 
Lynn, an active agent for good. He had made many friends 
and had built up a good practice, when, in 1881, in the third 
edition of Science and Health, Mrs. Eddy broke forth into that 
tirade of invective which she called " Demonology " the flower 
of nine years of torturing hatred. Kennedy's old friends in 
Lynn were stirred to mirth rather than indignation when a 
passage like the following was applied to a man whose amiability 
was locally proverbial: 

The Nero of to-day, regaling himself through a mental method with 
the tortures of individuals, is repeating history, and will fall upon his 
own sword, and it shall pierce him through. Let him remember this when, 
in the dark recesses of thought, he is robbing, committing adultery, and 

13 Science and Health (1881), chapter vi, p. 6. 


killing; when he is attempting to turn friend away from friend, ruthlessly 
stabbing the quivering heart; when he is clipping the thread of life, 
and giving to the grave youth and its rainbow hues; when he is turning 
back the reviving sufferer to her bed of pain, clouding her first morning 
after years of night; and the Nemesis of that hour shall point to the 
tyrant's fate, who falls at length upon the sword of justice. 14 

In the beginning, then, Malicious Mesmerism was advanced 
merely as a personal attribute of Richard Kennedy, and was a 
means by which Mrs. Eddy sought to justify her hatred. In 
the first edition of Science and Health, though she usually links 
it with some reference to Kennedy, Mrs. Eddy occasionally 
refers to mesmerism as an abstract thing, apart from any 

In coming years the person or mind that hates his neighbour, will have 
no need to traverse his fields, to destroy his flocks and herds, and spoil 
his vines; or to enter his house to demoralise his household; for the 
evil mind will do this through mesmerism; and not in propria personce 
be seen committing the deed. Unless this terrible hour be met and re 
strained by Science, mesmerism, that scourge of man, will leave nothing 
sacred when mind begins to act under direction of conscious power. 

The sign of the mesmerist, however, the plague spot which 
he could not conceal, was " Manipulation " the method which 
she had taught Kennedy and afterward repudiated. " Sooner 
suffer a doctor infected with smallpox to be about you," she 
cries, " than come under the treatment of one who manipulates 
his patients' heads." And again, " the malpractitioner can 
depend only on manipulation." From 1872 to 1877 Mrs. Eddy 
counted many victims of Kennedy's mesmeric power, but charged 
no other student with consciously and maliciously practising 
mesmerism. In 1877, however, an open rupture occurred be 
tween Mrs. Eddy and Daniel Spofford. Now, Mr. Spofford 
"Science and Health (1881), chapter vi, p. 38. 


was, like Kennedy, a man with a personal following, and his 
secession would mean that of his party. Though she never 
hated Spofford as bitterly as she hated Kennedy, he was the 
second of her seceding students who was deemed important 
enough to merit the charge of mesmerism a, charge which 
conferred a certain distinction, as only those who had stood in 
high places ever incurred it. 

But in her book, published only two years before, Mrs. Eddy 
had clearly and repeatedly stated that the mesmerist could 
" depend only on manipulation," and could always be detected 
thereby. Now Mr. Spofford did not manipulate he had been 
so soundly taught that he would sooner have put his hands 
into the fire. Accordingly, Mrs.' Eddy got out a postscript to 
Science and Health. The second edition, which Mr. Spofford 
had laboured upon and helped to prepare, was hastily revised 
and converted into a running attack upon him, hurried to press, 
labeled Volume II., and sent panting after Science and Health, 
which was not labeled Volume I., and which had already been 
in the world three years. This odd little brown book, with 
the ark and troubled waves on the cover, is made up of a 
few chapters snatched from the 1875 edition, interlarded 
with vigorous rhetoric such as the following apostrophe to 
Spofford : 

Behold ! thou criminal mental marauder, that would blot out the 
sunshine of earth, that. would sever friends, destroy virtue, put out Truth, 
and murder in secret the innocent befouling thy track with the trophies 
of thy guilt, I say, Behold the " cloud, no bigger than a man's hand," 
already rising in the horizon of Truth, to pour down upon thy guilty 
head the hailstones of doom. 

The purpose of this breathless little courier a book of 167 


pages in looks very unlike the sombre 480-page volume which 
had preceded it was to announce that mesmerism could be 
practised without manipulation indeed, that the practice was 
more pernicious without a sign than with it. Mrs. Eddy thus 
explained her new light upon the subject: 

Mesmerism is practised through manipulation and without it. And we 
have learned, by new observation, the fool who saith " There is no God " 
attempts more evil without a sign than with it. Since " Science and 
Health " first went to press, we have observed the 'Crimes of another 
mesmeric outlaw, in a variety of ways, who does not as a common thing 
manipulate, in cases where he sullenly attempted to avenge himself of 
certain individuals, etc. But we had not before witnessed the mal- 
practitioner's fable without manipulation, and supposed it was not done 
without it; but have learned it is the addenda to what we have described 
in a previous edition, but without manipulating the head. 18 

Malicious Mesmerism, or Malicious Animal Magnetism, first 
conceived as a personal attribute of Richard Kennedy, was 
six years later stretched to accommodate Daniel Spofford. By 
1881, when the third edition of Science and Health appeared, 
a personal animosity had fairly developed into a doctrine, and 
Mrs. Eddy was well on the way toward admitting a general 
principle of evil a thing she certainly never meant to admit. 
She had decided that mesmerism was not merely a trick em 
ployed in practice, but a malignant attitude of mind, and that a 
person evilly disposed, by merely wishing his neighbour harm, 
could bring it to him unless the object of his malice were wise 
in Metaphysics and could treat against this evil mind-power. 
Unless a man were thus protected by Christian Science, his 
enemy might, through Mesmerism or Mortal Mind, bring upon 
him any kind of misfortune ; might ruin his business, cause a 

13 Science and Health (1878), p. 136. 


rash to break out upon his face, vex his body with grievous 
humours, cause his children to hate him and his wife to become 

Having instanced a few cases of the evil workings of the hidden agency 
in our midst, our readers may feel an interest to learn somewhat of the 
indications of this mental malpractice of demonology. It has no outward 
signs, such as ordinarily indicate mesmerism, and its effects are far more 
subtle because of this. Its tendency is to sour the disposition, to occasion 
great fear of disease, dread, and discouragement, to cause a relapse of 
former diseases, to produce new ones, to create dislikes or indifference to 
friends, to produce sufferings in the head, in fine, every evil that demon 
ology includes and that- metaphysics destroys. If it be students of ours 
whom he attacks, the malpractitioner and aforesaid mesmerist tries to 
produce in their minds a hatred towards us, even as the assassin puts 
out the light before committing his deed. He knows this error would 
injure the student, impede his progress, and produce the results of error 
on health and morals, and he does it as much for that effect on him as 
to injure us. 18 

The question is often asked, " How did Mrs. Eddy justify 
this evil power with her scheme of metaphysics? If God is all 
and all is God, where does Malicious Mesmerism come in? " 
The answer is evident; when the original Science of Man, as 
she had learned it from Quimby, and as she at first taught it, 
no longer met the needs of her own nature, Mrs. Eddy simply 
went ahead and added to her religion out of the exuberance 
of her feelings, leaving justification to the commentators 
and she has rapped them soundly whenever they have attempted 

No philosophy which endeavours to reduce the universe to one 
element, and to find the world a unit, can admit the existence 
of evil unless it admits it as a legitimate and necessary part 
of the whole. But the very keystone of Mrs. Eddy's Science 

Science and Health (1881), chapter vi, p. 35. 


is that evil is not only unnecessary but unreal. Admitting evil 
as a legitimate part of the whole would be to deny that the 
whole was good and was God. Admitting evil in opposition 
to good would be to deny that good and God were the whole. 
Whenever a train of reasoning seemed to be leading to the 
wrong place, Mrs. Eddy could always drop a stitch and begin 
a new pattern on the other side. Since neither the allness 
of God nor the Godhood of all could explain the injuries and 
persecutions which she felt were inflicted upon her, she fell back 
upon Mortal Mind. 

" As used in Christian Science," she says, " animal magnet 
ism is the specific term for Error, or Mortal Mind." 

Mortal Mind is Mrs. Eddy's explanation of the seeming exist 
ence of evil in the world. 17 Whatever seems to be harmful, 
sin, sickness, earthquakes, convulsions of the elements, are 
due to the influence of Mortal Mind. Now, Mortal Mind, she 
says, has no real existence except as a harmful tradition; she 
affirms that its very name is a fallacy, and she admits it merely 
for the sake of argument. Hence, though there is no such 
thing as evil, there is an accumulated belief in evil, a tradition 
which overshadows us, as Mrs. Eddy says, " like the deadly 
Upas tree." The belief in evil, then, is the only evil that 
exists. This belief is Mortal Mind, and Mortal Mind is Mes 

17 Mortal mind includes all evil, disease, and death ; also, all beliefs relative 
to the so-called material laws, and all material objects, and the law of sin 
and death. 

The Scripture says, " The carnal mind (in other words mortal mind) is 
enmity against God ; for it is not subject to the law of God, neither indeed 
can be.'' Mortal mind is an illusion ; as much in our waking moments as in 
the dreams of sleep. The belief that Intelligence, Truth, and Love, are in 
matter and separate from God, is an error ; for there is no intelligent evil, 
and no power besides God, Good. God would not be omnipotent if there were 
in reality another mind creating or governing man or the universe. Miscel 
laneous Writings, p. 36, Sixty-sixth Edition (1883-1896). 

Mrs. Eddy says: 

The origin of evil is the problem of ages. It confronts each generation 
anew. It confronts Christian Science. The question is often asked, if 
God created only the good, whence comes the evil? 

To this question Christian Science replies: Evil never did exist as an 
entity. It is but a belief that there is an opposite Intelligence to God. 
This belief is a species of idolatry, and is not more true or real than 
that an image graven on wood or stone is God. 18 

But concerning the origin of the belief in evil, Mrs. Eddy 
is silent ; and certainly with the belief we are immediately 
concerned, since that and that alone "brought death into the 
world, and all our woe." The cause of this knot or tangle in 
the human consciousness, however, remains unexplained down 
to the very last page of the very last edition of Science and 

The Rev. James Henry Wiggin, for some years Mrs. Eddy's 
literary adviser, said that " Mesmerism was her Devil," and 
it does seem that she has routed Satan from pillar to post 
only to be confronted by him at last. By designating evil as 
Mortal Mind, and declaring that it was non-existent, Mrs. 
Eddy evidently believed herself well rid of it; and she was 
bewildered to find that she was still afraid of it, and that it 
could do her harm. Unwittingly she was demonstrating Kant's 
proposition that " a dream which we all dream together, and 
which we all must dream, is not a dream, but a reality." 

Mrs. Eddy's method of protecting herself against Malicious 
Mesmerism the " adverse treatment " which later became such 
a prolific source of scandal in the Christian Science Church 
was first practised by her students about 1875. By now mes 
merism had become an indispensable household convenience. 

18 Miscellaneous Writings (1896) p. 346. 


After she moved into her Broad Street house, Mrs. Eddy had 
a long succession of tenants and housekeepers, all of whom 
she at first found satisfactory, but against whom she soon had 
a grievance. She accused nearly all of them of stealing; of 
taking her coal, her blankets, her feather pillows, her silver 
spoons, and especially of taking her knives and forks, which 
kept magically disappearing like the food to which the clown 
sits down in the pantomime. It seemed as if the only way 
in which she could keep these knives and forks at all was actually 
to hold them in her hands. All this trouble she bitterly ac 
credited to Kennedy. People came into her house well disposed 
toward her, she said ; he set his mind to work upon their minds, 
and in a few days she could see the result. They avoided her, 
looked at her doubtfully, and her spoons and pillows began 
playing hide and seek again. 

Mrs. Eddy talked of Kennedy continually, and often in 
her lectures she wandered away from her subject, forgot that 
her students were there to be instructed in the power of universal 
love, and would devote half the lesson hour to bitter invective 
against Kennedy and his treachery. This, of course, made an 
unfavourable impression upon new students, and Mrs. Eddy's 
advisers, Mr. Spofford, Mrs. Rice, and Miss Rawson, besought 
her to control her feeling and not to darken the doctrine of 
Divine love by the upbraidings of hatred. When thus advised 
she would tell her students how she had withdrawn herself from 
the world and laboured night and day through weary years, 
" standing alone with God," that she might give this great 
truth to men; and how Kennedy had perverted it and put it 
to evil uses. Not only did he rob her of her students and set 


the minds of men against her, she declared, but he pursued her 
mind " as a hound pursues its prey," causing her torment, 
sleeplessness, and unrest. She explained that even his cures 
were made at her expense ; that when standing beside his patients 
and " rubbing their heads years together," he took up Mrs. 
Eddy in thought, united her mentally with the sick, and cured 
them by throwing the burden of their disease upon her. Thus 
weighed down by the ills of his patients, she could go no further. 
Unless some means were found of protecting her against Ken 
nedy, she must sink under his persecution and her mission be 
unfulfilled. In this extremity she implored her students to 
save her by treating against Kennedy and his power. 

Those of Mrs. Eddy's students who did not know Mr. Ken 
nedy believed that their teacher was suffering acutely at his 
hands. She so wrought upon their sympathies that they actu 
ally consented to meet at her house and take part in this treat 
ment, which they believed would injure the young man. One 
of the faithful students present in the circle would say to the 
others : 

Now all of you unite yourselves in thought on Kennedy; that he cannot 
heal the sick, that he must leave off calling on Mrs. Glover mentally, 
that he shall be driven out of practice and leave the town, etc. 

Mrs. Eddy was never present at these sessions, and her 
students soon discontinued them. One of the number, who used 
to meet with the others to treat against Kennedy, explains that 
he was unwilling to go on with it because he discovered that 
the more he wished evil to Kennedy, the more he felt the pres 
ence of evil within himself. He writes that " while thoughts 
born of love or its attributes are unlimited in their power to 


help both their author and their object, thoughts born of 
malice influence only those who originate them." 

Although no open rupture occurred between Mrs. Eddy and 
Daniel Spofford until the summer of 1877, by the spring of 
1877 Mrs. Eddy's feeling for him had begun to cool. It will 
be remembered that she had turned a number of her students 
over to Mr. Spofford for instruction in the Interpretation of 
the Scriptures. As a teacher, Mr. Spofford proved so popular 
that Mrs. Eddy repented the authority she had given him. His 
success in practice also made her restive, doubtless one of the 
causes which led her to insist upon his turning his practice 
over to Asa Gilbert Eddy and devoting his time to pushing the 
sale of her book. It would be scarcely fair to draw the con 
clusion that Mrs. Eddy resented the success of her students 
in itself, but she certainly looked upon it with apprehension 
if the student showed any inclination to adopt methods of his 
own or to think for himself. Mrs. Eddy required of her stu 
dents absolute and unquestioning conformity to her wishes ; 
any other attitude of mind she regarded as dangerous. She 
often told Mr. Spofford that there was no such thing as devo 
tion to the principle of revealed truth which did not include 
devotion to the revelator. " I am Wisdom, and this revelation 
is mine," she would declare when a student questioned her 

In July, 1877, Mr. Spofford closed out the stock of Science 
and Health, which he had received from George H. Barry and 
Elizabeth M. Newhall, the students who had furnished the 
money to publish the book. Mr. Spofford paid over the money 
which he had received for the books, something over six hundred 


dollars, to these two students, and although Mrs. Eddy had 
agreed to ask for no royalty upon the first edition, she was 
exceedingly indignant that the money had not been paid to her. 
She declared that Mr. Barry and Miss Newhall had advanced 
the money to further the cause, and that whatever was realised 
from the sale of the first edition should have gone toward 
getting out a second. Mr. Spofford told her that if Mr. 
Barry and Miss Newhall wished to put the money into a second 
edition, there was nothing to prevent their doing so, but that 
he had received from them a number of books which were their 
property, and he was in duty bound to turn over to them any 
money received for the same. Mr. Barry and Miss Newhall 
lost over fifteen hundred dollars on the edition, and Mr. 
Spofford paid out five hundred dollars of his own money for 
advertising and personal expenses, besides giving his time 
for several months. Mrs. Eddy made no effort to reimburse 

The estrangement thus brought about between Mrs. Eddy and 
Mr. Spofford continued until, in January, 1878, Mr. Spofford 
was expelled from the Christian Scientists' Association and 
received the following notice: 

Dr. D. H. Spofford of Newburyport has been expelled from the 
Association of Christian Scientists for immorality and as unworthy to be 
a member. 

Lynn, Jan. 19th, 1878. 

Secretary of the Christian Scientists' Association, Mrs. H. N. Kingsbury. 

A notice also appeared in the Newburyport Herald, stating 
that Daniel H. Spofford had been expelled for alleged immo 
rality from the Christian Scientists' Association of Lynn. Mr. 
Spofford brought no action against the Association, as he 


thought the charge would be considered absurd and could do 
him no harm. 

" Immorality " was a favourite charge of Mrs. Eddy's ; she 
insisted it meant that a student had been guilty of disloyalty 
to Christian Science. The very special and wholly unauthor 
ised meanings which Mrs. Eddy had given to many common 
words in writing Science and Health doubtless confirmed her 
in the habit of empirical diction. An amusing ins.tance of this 
occurred years afterward, when Mrs. Eddy quarrelled witk a 
woman prominent in the Mother Church in Boston, and de 
clared that she was an adulteress. When the frantic woman 
appealed to her to know what in Heavgn's name she meant, 
Mrs. Eddy replied gravely, " You have adulterated the Truth ; 
what are you, then, but an adulteress ? " 

The test of loyalty in a disciple was obedience. " Whosoever 
is not for me is against me," Mrs. Eddy declared in an angry 
interview with Mr. Spofford. If a student were " against " 
her, there could be but one cause for his hardening of heart 
Richard Kennedy and Malicious Mesmerism. Mr. Spofford was 
amazed, therefore, in the spring of 1878, to find that a bill 
had been filed before the Supreme Judicial Court at Salem, 
charging him with practising witchcraft upon one of Mrs. 
Eddy's former students, Lucretia L. S. Brown of Ipswich. 

Lucretia Brown was a spinster about fifty years of age, 
who lived with her mother and sister in one of the oldest houses 
in Ipswich, facing upon School-house Green. When she was a 
child, Miss Brown had a fall which injured her spine, and she 
was an invalid for the greater part of her life. Although not 
absolutely bedridden, she had often to keep to her bed for 

weeks together, and seldom walked further than the church. 
She conducted a crocheting agency, taking orders for city 
dealers, and giving out piece-work to women in the village who 
wished to earn a little pin-money. Miss Lucretia was noted 
for her system and her neatness. On certain days of the week 
she gave out this crochet work at exactly two o'clock in the 
afternoon, and whoever arrived a few minutes early had to 
await the stroke of the clock, as Miss Brown was not visible 
until then. The women who came for work gathered in the 
sitting-room, and one by one they were admitted to Miss Lu- 
cretia's sleeping chamber, where she received them in a bed 
incredibly white and smooth. They used to wonder how Miss 
Lucretia could lie under a coverlid absolutely wrinkleless, and 
how she could handle her worsted and give all her directions 
without rumpling the smoothness of the turned-back sheet, or 
marring the geometrical outline of her pillow. As the candi 
date retired from Miss Brown's presence, her bundle of yarn 
was sharply eyed by the other women who waited in the sitting- 
room, as there was a rumour that Miss Lucretia gave more 
work to her favourites than to others, and that they rolled 
their worsted up tightly to conceal the evidence of her partiality. 
In the matter of good housewifery, the three Brown ladies 
were triumphant and invincible. They carried their daintiness 
even into their diet, regarding anything heavier than 
the most ethereal food as somewhat too virile and indelicate 
for their spinster household. The assertion was once made that 
Essex was the cleanest county in Massachusetts, and Ipswich 
was the cleanest town in Essex, and the Browns were the cleanest 
people in Ipswich. Even when Miss Lucretia was suffering 


from her worst attacks and was supposed to be helpless in 
bed, she was occasionally discovered late at night, slipping about 
the house and " tidying up " under cover of darkness. 

Before Miss Lucretia knew Mrs. Eddy and Miss Rawson, 
she was a Congregationalist, but after she was healed by 
Christian Science she withdrew from her old church. Her cure 
was much talked about. After she was treated by Miss Rawson, 
she was able to be up and about the house all day and to walk 
a distance of two or three miles, whereas before she had made 
much ado to call upon a neighbour at the other end of the 
Green. After her healing she made some effort to practise upon 
other people, but Ipswich folk were slow to quit their family 
doctors in favour of the new method. 

Miss Brown, however, remained a devout Scientist until her 
death in 1883, and up to that time occasionally took a case. 
The story goes that she got the cold she died of by airing the 
house too thoroughly after having treated one of her patients. 
Fifty years of frantic cleanliness were not to be overcome in 
an instant ; and although Miss Lucretia well knew that disease 
was but a frame of mind, that contagion was a myth, and that 
dirt itself was only a " belief," the moment a patient was out 
of the house, up went the windows, and the draperies went 
out on the clothes-line. 

In her last illness she called in her old family physician, 
but refused to let him prescribe for her, explaining that she 
merely wished him to diagnose her case so that her Christian 
Science healer would know what to treat her for. Her death 
was as orderly as her life. When she felt that her " belief " 
(pneumonia) was gaining on her, she called in her mother and 


sister, talked over her business, and put her affairs in order, 
telling them where they would find all her things. When she 
had given all her directions, she asked them if there were any 
thing about which they wished to question her. When they 
replied in the negative, she said, " Good-bye, Mother. Good 
bye, Sister," and smoothing once again that never-wrinkled, 
turned-back sheet, she folded her hands and almost instantly 

In 1878, when Miss Brown believed that Mr. Spofford had 
bewitched her, she was a patient of Miss Dorcas Rawson. Miss 
Rawson and her sister, Mrs. Rice, it will be remembered, were 
among Mrs. Eddy's first students in Lynn. They were daugh 
ters of a large family in Maine, and when they were very 
young girls came to Lynn to make their way in the shoe shops. 
Miranda soon married Mr. Rice and left the factory. After 
the two sisters had studied with Mrs. Eddy, Dorcas also left 
the factory and became a practising healer. She was as ardent 
in her new faith as she had been before in Methodism. While 
a Methodist she had been one of a number who " professed 
holiness," that is, who felt that in their daily walk they were 
so near to God that His presence protected them from even 
the temptation to sin. Miss Rawson was a thoroughly good 
and unselfish woman, and so earnest and forceful that perhaps 
in a later day she would have been called " strong-minded." 
However devoted in service, such a firm and independent nature 
would almost inevitably clash with Mrs. Eddy's at times, and 
Miss Rawson had more than one painful difference with her 
teacher. But it was hard for Miss Rawson to give up a friend, 
harder than to bear with Mrs. Eddy's unreasonableness. After 


these disagreements she always came back, telling her friends 
that she could not endure to be separated from Mrs. Eddy in 
spirit, and that, when she was, she felt her health failing 
and discouragement threatening to overwhelm her. 

When, under her treatment, Miss Brown suffered a relapse, 
Miss Rawson, in her perplexity, went to Mrs. Eddy. Mrs. 
Eddy had the solution at her tongue's end. Daniel Spofford, 
in his general opposition to truth, was exercising upon Miss 
Brown his mesmeric arts. Miss Rawson was at first loath to 
believe this. Mr. Spofford was an old and trusted friend; 
even had he been subsidised by Richard Kennedy, why should 
Mortal Mind, as exercised by Mr. Spofford, prevail over Divine 
Mind as employed by Miss Rawson? But Mrs. Eddy convinced 
her, with her will or against it, and also convinced poor Miss 

Mr. Spofford's acquaintance with Miss Brown had been slight. 
When she was studying with Mrs. Eddy, she, with other stu 
dents, had entered his class in the Interpretation of the Scrip 
tures. When Miss Brown's health began to fail, he had not 
seen her for some months and was ignorant alike of her illness 
and the supposed cause of it. After Miss Lucretia had begun 
to regard him as the author of her ills, Mr. Spofford was in 
Ipswich one day and bethought him of calling upon his old 
student. Accordingly he went down to the Green and knocked 
at her cottage. Miss Brown herself came to the door and 
immediately fell into great agitation. Ordinarily a pale woman, 
her cheeks and forehead flushed so hotly that Mr. Spofford 
innocently thought that she must be making preserves and had 
just come from the stove. She stood for a moment, very ill 


at ease, and, without asking him to come in, begged him to 
excuse her and ran back into the house. When she reappeared, 
she seemed even more distracted than before, and Mr. Spofford 
now felt sure that he had intruded upon some critical moment 
in preserve-making, and told her that he would call again when 
he next happened to be in Ipswich. He went away, leaving 
Miss Brown to wonder whether he had merely come to see how 
his victim did, or whether he had come to do her further 

By this time Mrs. Eddy had Mr. Spofford upon her mind 
almost as constantly as she had Richard Kennedy. In April, 
a month before the charge of witchcraft was made against 
him, Mrs. Eddy filed a bill in equity against Mr. Spofford to 
recover tuition and a royalty on his practice. This suit was 
still pending when the witchcraft case came up, and was dis 
missed June 3d because of defects in the writ and insufficient 
service. The Newburyport Herald of May 16th, in comment 
ing editorially upon the witchcraft case, said : " Mrs. Eddy 
tried, some time since, to induce us to publish an attack 
upon Spofford, which we declined to do, and we under 
stand that similar requests were made to other papers in the 

In preparing to prosecute the witchcraft case, Mrs. Eddy 
first selected twelve students from the Christian Scientists' 
Association she has always been partial to the apostolic num 
ber and called on these students to meet her at her house and 
treat Mr. Spofford adversely, as other students had formerly 
treated Richard Kennedy. She required each of these twelve 
students, one after another, to take Mr. Spofford up mentally 


for two hours, declaring in thought that he had no power 
to heal, must give up his practice, etc. Mr. Henry F. Dunnels 
of Ipswich was one of the chosen twelve. He says in his 
affidavit : " When the Spoff ord lawsuit came along, she took 
twelve of us from the Association and made us take two hours 
apiece, one after the other. She made a statement that this 
man Spofford was adverse to her and that he used his mesmeric 
or hypnotic power over her students and her students' patients, 
and hindered the students from performing healing on their 
patients, and we were held together to keep our minds over 
this Spofford to prevent him from exercising this mesmeric 
power over her students and patients. This twenty-four hours' 
work was done in her house." 

Having thus prepared her case through the agency of Divine 
Mind, Mrs. Eddy next set about making the most of human 
devices. She went to her lawyer in Lynn and had him draw 
up a bill of complaint in Miss Brown's name, setting forth the 
injuries which Miss Brown had received from Mr. Spofford's 
mesmeric malice, and petitioning the court to restrain him from 
exercising his power and using his arts upon her. The text 
of the bill is in part: 

Humbly complaining, the Plaintiff, Lucretia L. S. Brown of Ipswich in 
said County of Essex, showeth unto your Honours, that Daniel H. Spofford, 
of Newburyport, in said County of Essex, the defendant in the above 
entitled action, is a mesmerist and practises the art of mesmerism and by 
his said art and the power of his mind influences and controls the minds 
and bodies of other persons and uses his said power and art for the 
purpose of injuring the persons and property and social relations of 
others and does by said means so injure them. 

And the plaintiff further showeth that the said Daniel H. Spofford 
has at divers times and places since the year eighteen hundred and 
seventy-five, wrongfully and maliciously and with intent to injure the 


plaintiff, caused the plaintiff by means of his said power and art great 
suffering of body and mind and severe spinal pains and neuralgia and 
a temporary suspension of mind, -and still continues to cause the plaintiff 
the same. And the plaintiff has reason to fear and does fear that he 
will continue in the future to cause the same. And the plaintiff says that 
said injuries are great and of an irreparable nature and that she is wholly 
unable to escape from the control and influence he so exercises upon her 
and from the aforesaid effects of said control and influence. 

As Mrs. Eddy's attorney flatly refused to argue the case 
in court, she arranged that one of her students, Edward J. 
Arens, should do so. At the opening of the Supreme Judicial 
Court in Salem May 14, 1878, Mrs. Eddy and Mr. Arens 
appeared under power of attorney for Miss Brown, attended 
by some twenty witnesses, " a cloud of witnesses," as the Boston 
Globe put it in an account of the hearing. When they were 
assembled at the railway station in Lynn to take the train for 
Salem, one of the witnesses went to Mrs. Eddy and protested 
that he knew nothing whatever about the case and would not 
know what to say were he called upon to testify. " You will 
be told what to say," replied Mrs. Eddy reassuringly. 

Having arrived at the Salem Court House, Mrs. Eddy and 
her loyal band awaited in the jury-room the entrance of the 
chief justice. As soon as Judge Horace Gray had taken his 
seat, Mr. Arens arose and presented his petition for a hearing 
on the bill of complaint. He then made an exposition of the 
case to the Judge, who ordered that an order of notice be 
served upon Mr. Spofford, and appointed Friday, May 17th, 
for a hearing of the case. Mr. Arens at once took the train 
for Newburyport to search for Mr. Spofford, as Mrs. Eddy 
feared that he might escape into another State. 

Meanwhile the Massachusetts press was making the most of 


the novel legal proceedings at Salem. A reporter from the 
Boston Globe called at Miss Brown's house in Ipswich, but was 
told that she was away from home. Of this call the Globe 
published the following account : 

In an interview with a sister of Miss Brown, the latter being out of 
town, the lady informed the Globe reporter that she and her family believed 
that there was no limit to the awful power of mesmerism, but she still had 
some faith in the power of the law, and thought that Dr. Spofford might 
be awed into abstaining from injuring her sister further. That he does 
so she believes there is no possibility of a doubt. In answer to a query put 
by the reporter, she admitted that should Dr. Spofford prove so disposed, 
even though he be incarcerated behind the stone walls at Charlestown, 
he could still use his mesmeric power against her sister. 

On Friday morning the crowd which had assembled at the 
Salem Court House was disappointed. Mr. Spofford himself 
did not appear, but his attorney, Mr. Noyes, appeared for him 
and filed a demurrer, which Judge Gray sustained, declaring 
with a smile that it was not within the power of the Court to 
control Mr. Spofford's mind. The case was appealed, and the 
appeal waived the following November. 

So, after a lapse of nearly two centuries, another charge of 
witchcraft was made before the court in Salem village. But 
it was an anachronism merely, and elicited such ridicule that 
it was hard to realise that, because of charges quite as fanciful, 
one hundred and twenty-six persons were once lodged in Salem 
jail, nineteen persons were hanged, and an entire community 
was plunged into anguish and terror. 

During the long years that the grass had been growing and 
withering above the graves of Martha Corey and Rebecca Nurse 
and their wretched companions, one of the most important of 
all possible changes had taken place in the world a change 


in the mode of thinking. The work of Descartes, Locke, and 
Sir Isaac Newton had become a common inheritance; the rela 
tion of physical effect with physical cause had become estab 
lished even in ignorant and unthinking minds, and a schoolboy 
of 1878 would have rejected as absurd the evidence upon which 
Judge Hawthorne condemned a woman like Mary Easty to 

Mrs. Eddy's attempt to revive the witch horror was only a 
courtroom burlesque upon the grimmest tragedy in New Eng 
land history. It is interesting only in that it demonstrates 
how surely the same effects follow the same causes. When Mrs. 
Eddy had succeeded in overcoming in her students' minds the 
tradition of sound reasoning of which they and their century 
were the fortunate heirs, when she had convinced them that there 
were no physical causes for physical ills, she had unwittingly 
plunged them back into the torturing superstitions which it had 
taken the world so long to overcome. The capacity for esti 
mating evidence in cases of physical causation, which John 
Fiske calls " one of the world's latest and most laborious acqui 
sitions," once denied, the Christian Scientists had parted with 
that rational attitude of mind which is the basis of the health 
and sanity of modern life ; which has abolished religious perse 
cution as well as controlled contagious disease, and has made 
a revival of the witchcraft terror as impossible as a recurrence 
of the Black Death. This rational habit of mind once broken 
down, two good women like Lucretia Brown and Dorcas Rawson 
could suspect a good man of the malice of a fiend. Among this 
little group of people who had been friends and fellow-seekers 
after God, there broke out, in a milder form, that same scourge 


of fear and distrust which demoralised Salem from 1692 to 
1694. In the attempt to bring the glad tidings of emancipa 
tion from the operation of physical law, which is sometimes 
cruel, Mrs. Eddy had come back to the cruelest of all debasing 
superstitions that of attributing disease and misfortune to a 
malevolent human agency. 





FEOM 1877 to 1879 Mrs. Eddy was in the law-courts so 
frequently that the Boston newspapers began to feature her 
litigations and to refer to them and to her with disrespectful 

In March, 1877, George W. Barry, 1 one of her students, 
brought his suit against Mrs. Eddy for twenty-seven hundred 
dollars for services rendered her in copying the manuscript of 
Science and Health, attending to her business, storing her goods, 
putting down her carpets, working in her garden, and paying 
out money for her on various accounts. This suit dragged 
on until October, 1879, when it was decided in Barry's favour, 
the referee awarding him three hundred and ninety-five 
dollars and forty cents, with interest from the date of his 

In February of 1878, Mrs. Eddy brought suit against 
Richard Kennedy in the Municipal Court of Suffolk County 
to recover seven hundred and fifty dollars upon a promissory 
note which bore the date February, 1870, several months previ- 

1 A full account of this action was given In Chapter X. 



ous to the date upon which Mrs. Eddy and Kennedy went to 
Lynn to practise, and which read as follows : 

February, 1870. 

In consideration of two years' instruction in healing the sick, I hereby 
agree to pay Mary M. B. Glover, one thousand dollars in quarterly in 
stalments of fifty dollars commencing from this date. 


Mr. Kennedy admitted having signed the note, but testified 
that when Mrs. Eddy asked him to do so she ?aid that she 
would never collect it, and that she wanted the paper simply 
to show to prospective students to convince them of the monetary 
value of her instruction. He further testified that though, when 
he signed the note, he had been studying with Mrs. Glover-Eddy 
for two years, he believed at the time that she was withholding 
from him the final and most illuminating secrets of her Science, 
and that he had reason to believe that, if he complied with her 
request in regard to the note, she would disclose them to him. 

In his answer he stated that Mrs. Eddy had " obtained the 
promissory note declared on by pretending that she had im 
portant secrets relating to healing the sick which she had not 
theretofore imparted to defendant, and which she promised to 
impart after the making and delivery to her of said note, and 
she then had no such secrets and never afterward undertook 
to impart or imparted such secrets." 

The Municipal Court awarded judgment for the plaintiff 
of seven hundred and sixty-eight dollars and sixty-three cents, 
but the case was carried to the Superior Court and tried before 
a jury, which returned a verdict for Mr. Kennedy. 

In April, 1878, came Mrs. Eddy's suit against George H. 
Tuttle and Charles S. Stanley, two of her earliest students, to 


discover the amount of their practice and to recover a royalty 
thereon, which was decided in favour of the defendants. 2 

In April, 1878, Mrs. Eddy brought her action against 
Daniel Spofford to discover the amount of his practice and 
to recover royalty thereon. Her original idea was to collect 
a royalty from all her practising students, which arrangement, 
could she have held them to it, would, in time, have been very 
remunerative. This case was dismissed for insufficient service. 

In May of the same year came the witchcraft case, Brown vs. 
Spofford, of which Mrs. Eddy was the instigator, and in which 
she represented the plaintiff in court. 

These lawsuits reached a sensational climax when, in October, 
1878, Asa Gilbert Eddy and Edward J. Arens were arrested 
on the charge of conspiracy to murder Daniel H. Spofford. 

It will be remembered that Mr. Spofford had been one of 
the most earnest and trusted of Mrs. Eddy's students. She had 
permitted him to assist in her teaching, had given him the pen 
with which Science and Health was written, and had intrusted 
to him the sale of her book. She seems at one time even to 
have considered the possibility of his being her successor. 

In a letter dated October 1, 1876, she writes: 

My joy at having one living student after these dozen years of struggle, 
toil and defeat, you at present cannot understand, but will know at a 
future time when the whole labour is left with you. . . . The students 
make all their mistakes leaning on me, or working against me. You are 
not going to do either, and certainly the result will follow that you will 
be faithful over a few things and be made ruler over many. 

2 This suit has already been referred to in Chapter IX. From Judge Choate's 
finding it would seem that his decision was hased largely on the fact that when 
Mrs. Eddy taught Tuttle and Stanley in 1870 she still instructed her students 
to " manipulate " the heads of their patients, whereas she later repudiated this 
method and declared hefore Judge Choate that it was of no efficacy in healing 
the sick, thus discrediting the instruction she had given the defendants. 


She continually consulted Mr. Spofford in the preparation 
of the second edition of Science and Health (the little book 
which was eventually converted into an intermittent attack upon 
him), and in a letter written several weeks after the above 
she says: 

LYNN, Oct. 22, '76. 

Dear Student Your interesting letter just read. I am in a condition 
to feel all and more than all you said. The mercury of' my mind is rising 
as the world's temperature of thought heats up and the little book " sweet 
in the mouth " but severe and glorious in its proof, is about to go forth 
like Noah's dove over the troubled waves of doubt, infidelity and bigotry, 
to find if possible a foothold on earth. ... I have great consolation 
in you, in your Christian character that I read yet more and more, the 
zeal that should attend the saints, and the patient waiting for our Lord's 

Press on; You know not the smallest portion, comparatively, of your 
ability in science. . . . Inflammation of the spinal nerves are what I 
suffer most in belief. 8 

There was no middle ground with Mrs. Eddy, and it was 
her policy to strike before she could be struck. After her 
disagreement with Mr. Spofford concerning his disposition of 
the money he had received from the sale of her book, she de 
nounced him as an enemy to truth, had her students begin 
to treat against him, expelled him from the Christian Scientists' 
Association, tried to induce the county papers to publish attacks 
upon him, and launched two lawsuits at him within a month 
of each other. Mrs. Eddy and her husband gave such wide 
circulation to the charge that Mr. Spofford had been dishonest 
in regard to the sale of the book, that the publishers of the 
book felt called upon to publish the following statement: 

8 This refers to Mrs. Eddy's continued ill health. 



Having heard certain malicious statements concerning our business 
transactions with Dr. D. H. Spofford of Newburyport, we, the undersigned, 
original publishers of " Science and Health," written by Mary Baker 
Glover of Lynn, in justice to him desire to correct them. He settled 
with us July 25th, 1877, paying several hundred dollars cash and giving 
notes (which were promptly taken up when due) for the further amount 
of his indebtedness. His account had been carefully examined by counsel 
and found correct and satisfactory. We desire to STOP the untruths 
which some person or persons have set afloat. 


Jan. 21st, 1878. E. M. NEWHALL, 

Mrs. Eddy was now convinced that Spofford was a mesmerist 
and openly denounced him as a malpractitioner. 4 Her students 
had orders to discredit him as widely as possible, and Mr. 
Spofford soon began to see the result of their efforts in the 
falling off of his practice. It was Mr. Arens' practice which 
Mrs. Eddy was now endeavouring to build up. 

Edward J. Arens was a Prussian who had come to Lynn as 
a young man, where he worked as a carpenter until he was able 
to open a cabinet-making shop. He was a good workman, but 
was not particularly successful in his business, and was fre 
quently involved in litigation. Although his educational oppor- 

4 She thus explained her position in the local press : 


" Mr. EDITOR : We desire to say through the columns of your interesting 
weekly, that certain threatening letters received by ourself, and an esteemed 
citizen of one of your adjacent towns, had hetter be discontinued. 

"These letters are from a Mr. Noyes [Spofford's attorney] of Newburyport, 
under orders of D. H. Spofford, who is already prosecuted by us to answer at 
a higher tribunal than the prejudice, falsehood or malice, before which some 
people would arraign others. 

" We have befriended this former student of ours when friendless, we have 
effected cures for him professionally, not only in the cases of Mrs. Atkinson, 
Miss Tandy, and Miss Ladd. but others, and we did this without any reward, 
but to gain some place for him in the public confidence. 

" As the founder of a Metaphysical practice, we have a warm interest In 
the success of all our students, and have always promoted it, unless compelled 
in some especial instances, by a strong sense of our duty to the public, to speak 



tunities had been limited, he had an active mind. He read a 
great deal, was restless, eager, and ambitious. When he be 
came a student of Mrs. Eddy's, he gave up his cabinet business 
and, naturally hot-headed and impulsive, he threw himself into 
metaphysical healing with great enthusiasm. He came to Mrs. 
Eddy's succour in a critical hour, when she desperately needed 
a man who could devote himself effectively to her cause. Mr. 
Eddy had never been a man of much initiative, and his terror 
of mesmerism had cowed him beyond his natural docility. 

By this time Mrs. Eddy's hatred for Mr. Spofford had 
reached the acute stage, where it kept her walking the floor 
at night, declaring that Spofford's mind was pursuing and 
bullying hers, and that she could not shake it off. Mr. Eddy, 
a helpless spectator of his wife's misery, used to declare that 
the man ought to be punished for persecuting her, and be 
lieved that Mr. Spofford's mind was on their track night and 
day, seeking to break down Mrs. Eddy's health, to get their 
property away from them, and to overthrow the movement. 
Mr. Spofford, on the other hand, was scarcely less distraught. 
He still believed that Mrs. Eddy had brought him the great 
truth of his life, and that, however unworthy, she had a divine 
message. He felt his separation from her deeply, and was 
amazed and terrified by her vindictiveness. He feared that 
Mrs. Eddy would not stop until she had entirely destroyed his 
practice, and he never knew what weapon she would use against 
him next. Only a state of panic on both sides can explain 
the developments of the autumn of 1878. 

One morning early in October a heavy-set, rather brutal- 
looking man knocked at the door of Mr. Spofford's Boston 


office, Number 297 Tremont Street, and said he wanted to see 
the Doctor. Mr. Spofford glanced at the man and, thinking 
he was not the sort of person who would be likely to consult 
a mental healer, asked him if he were sure that he had come to 
the right kind of a doctor. The man introduced himself as 
James L. Sargent, a saloon-keeper, took from his pocket a card 
which Mr. Spofford had left on the door of his Newburyport 
office, and, pointing to the name on it, said that was the doctor 
he had come to see. After taking a seat in the consulting-room, 
Sargent asked Mr. Spofford whether he knew two men named 
Miller and Libby. Mr. Spofford replied that he did not. 

" Well, they know you," insisted Sargent, " and they want 
to get you put out of the way. Miller, the young man, says 
you are going with the old man's daughter and he wants to 
marry her himself." Sargent went on to explain that these 
two men had offered him five hundred dollars to put Mr. Spof 
ford out of the way and had paid him seventy-five dollars in 
advance. He declared that, while he meant to get all the money 
he could out of it, he had no intention of risking his neck, and 
said that he had already notified State Detective Hollis C. Pink- 
ham and had asked him to watch the case. 

Mr. Spofford immediately called upon Pinkham and found 
that Sargent had told him the same story. Pinkham said, 
however, that he had paid very little attention to the story, as 
Sargent had a criminal record, and he had thought that the 
man was up to some game to square himself with the Police 
Department. He promised to look into the matter more care 
fully, and Mr. Spofford went away. 

Several days later Sargent came in and said that Miller and 


Libby were pressing him. He had gone to them for more 
money, assuring them that Mr. Spofford was already dead, 
but they had sent a young man to Spofford's office to investi 
gate, and accused Sargent of playing them false. 

Mr. Spofford was now thoroughly alarmed. Sargent sug 
gested that he accompany him to his (Sargent's) brother's 
house at Cambridgeport and conceal himself there while he 
(Sargent) tried to collect the money promised him by Miller 
and Libby. Mr. Spofford consulted with Detective Pinkham 
and then disappeared. Sargent, so he later declared in 
court, informed Miller and Libby, whom he identified as 
Edward J. Arens and Asa Gilbert Eddy, that he had dis 
posed of Mr. Spofford, whereupon he received a part of the 
money promised him. Mr. Spofford left Boston Tuesday, Oc 
tober 15th, and remained about two weeks at the house of 
Sargent's sister-in-law. Sargent had promised to come out and 
give him news of the case, but as he failed to do so, Mr. 
Spofford then returned to Boston, going first to his brother's 
store in Lawrence. In the meantime his friends had been 
greatly alarmed at his disappearance, had advertised him as 
missing, and had published a description of him in the Boston 

On October 29th Edward J. Arens and Asa G. Eddy were 
arrested and held in three thousand dollars bail for examina 
tion in the Municipal Court on November 7th. 

As Mrs. Eddy afterward indignantly wrote, " the principal 
witnesses for the prosecution were convicts and inmates of 
houses of ill fame in Boston." A motley array of witnesses, 
certainly, confronted the judge when the Municipal Court con- 


vened on the afternoon of November 7th. Sargent was a bar 
tender with a criminal record. George Collier, his friend, was, 
at that time, under bonds, waiting trial on several most un 
savoury charges. Laura Sargent, the sister of James Sargent, 
who kept a disorderly house at Number 7 Bowker Street, 
appeared with several of her girls, all vividly got up for the 
occasion and ingenuously pleased at coming into court in the 
dignified role of witnesses for the Commonwealth. Mr. H. W. 
Chaplin appeared for the prosecution, and Russell H. Conwell 
appeared for the defendants. Mr. Chaplin briefly opened the 
case for the Government, contending that he should be able 
to prove directly that the defendants had conspired to take 
the life of Mr. Spofford, and that Sargent had been paid 
upwards of two hundred dollars toward the five hundred dollars 
due him for the job. The evidence adduced at the hearing 
was in substance as follows: 

James L. Sargent testified that he was a saloon-keeper in 
Sudbury Street, 5 that he had become acquainted four months 
before with a man who called himself " Miller," but whom 
he recognised as the defendant, Arens ; that Miller, or Arens, 
came to his saloon to tell fortunes ; that Arens had told him 
he knew of a good job where three or four hundred dollars 
could be made; that he, Sargent, inquired about the job, and 
Arens asked him if he could be depended on; that Sargent 
assured him on that point, and Arens then told him that he 
wanted a man " licked," and " he wanted him licked so that 
he wouldn't come to again." 

5 Sargent stated in court that, when he first met Mr. Arens, he was a 
bartender in a saloon on Portland Street. He had been running a place of 
his own for about six weeks when the hearing occurred. 


I told him [said Sargent] that I was just the man for him, and Arens 
said the old man [Libby] would not pay out more than was absolutely 
necessary to get the job done, as he had already been beaten out of 
seventy-five dollars. I met Arens the following Saturday at the corner 
of Charles and Leverett streets at five o'clock, and we walked down 
Charles Street into an alleyway. He said Libby was not satisfied and 
wanted to see me himself. . . . We selected a spot in a freight-yard 
where he and the old man [Libby] would meet me in half an hour. In 
the meantime, fearing that the affair might be a plot of some kind against 
myself, I borrowed a revolver of a friend and got another friend named 
Collier to go with me. Collier secreted himself in a freight-car with 
the door partially opened, so that he could overhear any conversation, and 
at the appointed time I met Arens and a man who was known to me as 
" Libby," but whom I recognise as the defendant, Eddy. . . . Eddy 
asked me how much money I wanted to do the job, and I told him I ought 
to have one hundred dollars to start with. He asked if I would take 
seventy-five dollars at the outset, and I said I would. He wanted to 
know if I would be square, and I told him yes. He then said he had but 
thirty-five dollars with him that night, which he would give me, and 
'would send the remainder by Arens on the following Monday. I told him 
no, I must have the whole at that time. Just then a man came walking 
down the freight-yards, and Arens told me in a quick tone to meet him 
Monday morning. I did so, and Arens passed me seventy-five dollars. 
. . . A few days later I met Arens again, and he said he would bring 
me directions where to find Dr. Spofford. He gave me an advertisement, 
clipped from some newspaper, giving the days when I could find Dr. 
Spofford at his offices in Haverhill and Newburyport. 

After telling in detail of his own delay in following in 
structions and of spending the money and putting Arens off, 
Sargent's testimony continued: 

We went to the Hotel Tremont, and Arens gave me sixteen dollars, 
with which I went to the Doctor's office in Newburyport. I did not see 
the Doctor, but brought away one of his business cards; came back and 
called at Dr. Spofford's office and had a conversation with him. I after 
ward met Arens on the Common by appointment, and told him I had 
made arrangements to have the Doctor go out of town. ... In a 
few days he met me on the Common again. He said I was playing it 
on him and that the whole thing was a put-up job, for Dr. Spofford 
was in his office. He had sent a boy to find out. 


Sargent said he met Arens several times after that, and 
finally they agreed that Sargent should take Spofford into 
the country on the pretence that he had a sick child. He took 
the Doctor to his brother's in Cambridgeport and kept him 
there about two weeks. The fact that Spofford had dis 
appeared was published in the papers. Sargent said he had 
met Arens after that, and told him that he had made away 
with the Doctor, and that he had done it about half -past seven 
in the evening. Sargent said that Arens replied that he had 
known this that he had felt it, and had a way of telling such 
things that other people knew nothing of. 

He saw him several times afterward, and finally Arens agreed 
to pay him some money. They met in Lynn on Monday, after 
the disappearance of Spofford. Mr. Eddy was also there, and 
Arens paid the witness twenty dollars. 

Their plan, Sargent said, had been to take Spofford out 
on some lonely road and have him knocked in the head with 
a billy, afterward causing the horse to run away, first en 
tangling the body with the harness, so it would appear that 
death was caused by accident. 

Another witness was Jessie Macdonald, who had lived as 
housekeeper with Mr. and Mrs. Eddy eight months. She had 
never seen Spofford, but she had heard Mr. Eddy say that 
Spofford kept Mrs. Eddy in agony, and that he would be glad 
if Spofford were out of the way. She had heard Mrs. Eddy 
read a chapter from the Old Testament which says that all 
wicked people should be destroyed. 

James Kelly testified to holding a conversation with Sargent, 
who told him of the job he had on hand. 


John Smith, Sargent's bartender, testified that he saw Arens 
in Sargent's saloon four times. 

Laura Sargent, James Sargent's sister, who kept a house 
of ill-fame in Bowker Street, testified that Sargent had a room 
in her house, and that Arens had come there three or four 
times to see him ; also that Sargent had given her seventy-five 
dollars to keep for him, saying he was going away to his 
brother's in Cambridgeport. 

Hollis C. Pinkham, the detective employed on the case, said 
that Sargent had laid the case before him, and that he had told 
Sargent to go ahead and find out what he could; that he had 
seen Sargent and Arens together in conversation on the Com 
mon; that he had followed Eddy to his home in Lynn, and 
had seen Sargent go toward the door of Eddy's house there; 
that he had asked Eddy if he had arranged to put Spofford 
out of the way ; that Eddy had denied having been in Sargent's 
saloon or meeting him in a freight-yard ; that Arens had main 
tained he had never seen or known Sargent, even when con 
fronted with Sargent. 

Detective Chase Philbrick, also employed on the case, testified 
to seeing Sargent at Eddy's house in Lynn; saw him try to get 
in, but fail to do so. He corroborated the evidence of Pinkham. 

George A. Collier, a carpenter, was an important witness. 
He said he worked in Sargent's saloon when he was out of a 
job, and told of going with Sargent to the freight-house and 
concealing himself in an empty car, leaving the door ajar, 
so that he might hear a conversation between Sargent and 
another man. He corroborated Sargent's testimony as to 
what transpired. 


This closed the case for the Government. The defence offered 
no evidence, as this was a case where only probable cause for 
suspicion was to be shown, and it was then to go to a higher 
court. Mr. Conwell, counsel for the defendants, did not in 
dicate what line the defence would take. 

Counsel for the Government submitted no argument, but 
called the attention of the court to the chain of circumstances 
which had been brought out by the evidence, and which he 
believed was strong enough to justify holding the defend 

Judge May remarked that the case was a very anomalous 
one, but that there was, in his opinion, sufficient evidence to 
show that the parties should be held to appear before the 
Superior Court. He therefore fixed the amount of bail at 
three thousand dollars each for the appearance of the defend 
ants at the December term of the Superior Court. 

The case was called in the Superior Court in December, 1878, 
and an indictment was found on two counts. 6 

The Superior Court record reads: 

This indictment was found and returned into Court by the Grand Jurors 
at the last December term, when the said Arens and Eddy were severally 
set at the bar and having said indictment read to them, they severally 
said thereof that they were not guilty. 

The first read : " That Edward J. Arens and Asa G. Eddy of Boston afore 
said, on the 28th day of July in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight 
hundred and seventy -eight, Boston aforesaid, with Force and Arms, being 
persons of evil minds and dispositions did then and there unlawfully conspire, 
combine, and agree together feloniously, wilfully, and of their malice afore 
thought, to procure, hire, incite, and solicit, one James L. Sargent, for a certain 
sum of money, to wit, the sum of five hundred dollars, to be paid to said 
Sargent by them, said Arens and Eddy, feloniously, wilfully, and of his, said 
Sargent's malice aforethought, in some way and manner and by some means, 
Instruments, and weapons, to said jurors unknown, one, Daniel H. Spofford, to 
kill and murder. Against the law, peace, and dignity of said Commonwealth." 

The second count charged the prisoners with hiring Sargent " with force and 
arms in and upon one, Daniel H. Spofford, to beat, bruise, wound, and evil treat, 
against the law, peace, and dignity of said Commonwealth." 


This indictment was thence continued to the present January term, 
and now the District Attorney, Oliver Stevens, Esquire, says he will 
prosecute this indictment no further, on payment of costs, which are 
thereupon paid. And the said Arens and Eddy are thereupon discharged. 
January 31, 1879. 

There is no memorandum filed with the papers in the case 
to show the reason for the not. pros., and a letter of inquiry 
sent July, 1905, to the late Oliver Stevens, the District Attor 
ney, elicited the reply that he had kept no data concerning 
the case, and the circumstances which caused him to enter a 
nol. pros, had gone from his mind. 

On October 9th, six days before Mr. Spofford fled to Cam- 
bridgeport, he received a letter from Mrs. Eddy, dated from 
Number 8 Broad Street, Lynn. It read as follows : 


Won't you make up your mind before it is forever too late to stop 
sinning with your eyes wide open? I pray for you that God will influence 
your thoughts to better issues and make you a good and great man, and 
spare you the penalty that must come if you do not forsake sin. 

I am ready at any time to welcome you back, and kill for you the 
fatted calf, that is, destroy in my own breast the great material error 
of rendering evil for evil or resenting the wrongs done us. I do not 
cherish this purpose toward any one. I am too selfish to do myself this 
great injury. I want you to be good and happy in being good for you 
never can be happy without it. I rebuke error only to destroy it not to 
harm you, but to do you good. Whenever a straying student returns to 
duty, stops his evil practice or sin against the Holy Ghost, I am ready 
to say, " neither do I condemn thee, go and sin no more." I write you 
at this time only from a sense of the high and holy privilege of charity, 
the greatest of all graces. Do not mistake my motive, I am not worldly 
selfish in doing this, but am only desirous to do you good. Your silent 
arguments to do me harm have done me the greatest possible good; the 
wrath of man has praised Thee. In order to meet the emergency, Truth has 
lifted me above my former self, enabled me to know who is using this 
argument and when and what is being spoken, and knowing this, what is 
said in secret is proclaimed on the house top and aifects me no more than 
for you to say it to me audibly, and tell me I have so and so; and to hate 


my husband; that I feel others; that arguments cannot do good; that 
Mrs. Rice cannot; that my husband cannot, etc., etc. I have now no need 
of human aid. God has shut the mouth of the lions. The scare disappears 
when you know another is saying it and that the error is not your own. 

May God save you from the effects of the very sins you are committing 
and which you have been and will be the victim of when the measure you 
are meting shall be measured to you. Pause, think, solemnly and selfishly 
of the cost to you. Love instead of hate your friends, and enemies even. 
This alone can make you happy and draw down blessings infinite. 

Have I been your friend? Have I taught you faithfully the way of 
happiness? and rebuked sternly that which could turn you out of that 
way? If I have, then I was your friend and risked much to do you good. 
May God govern your resolves to do right from this hour and strengthen 
you to keep them. Adieu, 


In the 1881 edition of Science and Health Mrs. Eddy takes 
up this conspiracy case at length, giving a careful and de 
tailed explanation of it. 7 In her exposition she quotes this 
letter as a proof of the fact that she was still trying to reclaim 
Mr. Spofford when the conspiracy was invented. Mr. Spoff ord, 
on the other hand, since he had not heard from Mrs. Eddy 
for seventeen months, believed that Mrs. Eddy intended this 
letter should be found in his mail-box after his disappearance, 
to avert suspicion from her. 

In her exposition of the case Mrs. Eddy explains it entirely 
as the result of demonology or mesmerism. She implies that 
it was a conspiracy hatched by Richard Kennedy and Mr. 
Spofford to injure the sale of the second edition of her book, 
which had been out but a few weeks when her husband was 
placed under arrest: 

The purpose of the plotters was evidently to injure the reputation 
of metaphysical practice, and to embarrass us for money at a time when 
they hoped to cripple us in the circulation of our book. This is seen 

7 Science and Health (1881), chapter vi, pp. 20-33. 


in the fact that our name was in any way introduced in the case when 
we were not implicated by the law and by the gospel. 8 

Mrs. Eddy attributed Mr. Kennedy's participation in the 
plot to the fact that her suit against him for the amount 
of the promissory note signed in Amesbury in 1870 was still 
pending. She says : 

The mental malpractitioners managed that entire plot; and if the leading 
demonologist can exercise the power over mind, and govern the conclusions 
and acts of people as he has boasted to us that he could do, he had ample 
motives for the exercise of his demonology from the fact that a civil 
suit was pending against him for the collection of a note of one thousand 
dollars, which suit Mr. Arens was jointly interested in.' 

In her exposition of the case Mrs. Eddy published affidavits 
from Caroline Fifield and Margaret Dunshee, in which they 
testified that Mr. Eddy was instructing a class in Metaphysics 
in Boston Highlands at the hour when Sargent and Collier 
declared they had seen him in a freight-yard in East Cambridge. 
She also published the following confession which, she said, 
Mr. Eddy had received from Collier a few weeks after the 
hearing before the Grand Jury: 

TATJNTON, Dec. 16, 1878. 

To DRS. ASIA G. EDDY and E. J. ARNES feeling that you have been 
greatly ingered by faulse charges and knowing their is no truth in my 
statement that you attempted to hire James L. Sargent to kil Dr. Spoford 
and wishing to retract as far as poserble all things I have sed to your 
ingury, I now say that thair is no truth whatever in the statement that I 
saw you meet James L. Sargent at East Cambridge or any outher place 
and pay or offer to pay him any money that I never hurd a conversation 
betwene you and Sargent as testifyed to by me whouther Spoford has any 
thing to do with Sargent I do not know all I know is that the story I told 
on the stand is holy faulse and was goton up by Sargent. 


8 Science and Health (1881), chapter vl, p. 22. 
Science and Health (1881) chapter vi, p. 29. 


This letter was subsequently reinforced by an affidavit said 
to have been made by Collier before a justice in Taunton, on 
December 17, 1878, in which he makes a similar declaration. 

The evidence on both sides is of the most anomalous and 
inconsequential character and reads like the testimony heard in 
the nightmare of some plethoric judge. The witnesses for the 
prosecution were, with the exception of Jessie Macdonald and 
the two detectives, utterly worthless as sources of testimony. 

Mrs. Eddy's charge that the plot was the malicious inven 
tion of Mr. Kennedy and Mr. Spofford can be regarded only as 
the delusion of an unreasonable and over-wrought woman. The 
only other possible solution would advance Sargent as the in 
stigator of the plot. If a double blackmailing enterprise could 
be attributed to Sargent, the tangle could be easily explained. 
But this hypothesis is weakened by the fact that he never asked 
for or received any money from Mr. Spofford. And why a 
saloon-keeper from Sudbury Street should have gone so far from 
his familiar haunts and associates, and should have aspired to 
play a part in the quarrels of the Christian Scientists, remains a 
difficult question. 






As early as 1878, Mrs. Eddy began to give occasional 
lectures in a Baptist church on Shawmut Avenue, in Boston, 
and in 1879 she gave Sunday afternoon talks in the Parker 
Fraternity Building on Appleton Street. Her audiences were 
not large. Sometimes, on a fine afternoon as many as fifty 
persons would be present, while again the number would fall 
as low as twenty-five. Mrs. Eddy came up from Lynn on 
Sunday afternoon, attended by Mr. Eddy, and often by several 
of her students. She usually wore a black silk gown and a 
hat when she spoke, used gold-bowed spectacles, and was con 
fident and at ease upon the rostrum. Mr. Eddy, dressed in a 
black frock-coat, acted as usher and passed the collection-plate. 
Mrs. Eddy spoke on the curative aspect of her Science almost 
entirely, relating many individual instances of the astonishing 
cures she and her students had performed. The religious ele 
ment in her discussions was incidental and rather cold. She 
never hinted at repentance, humility, or prayer in the ordinary 
sense, as essential to regeneration. Moral reform came natu 
rally as a result of adopting Christian Science. Mrs. Eddy 



possessed on the platform that power of moving people to a 
state of emotional exaltation which had already proved so 
effective in her classroom. 

After the lecture Mrs. Eddy always came down from the 
platform and shook hands cordially with her audience. The 
company usually separated into two groups, one surrounding 
Mr. Eddy and the other gathering about his wife. Mr. Eddy, 
in a low voice, would recommend the interested inquirer to join 
one of Mrs. Eddy's classes and thus come into a fuller under 
standing of the subject. Occasionally a visitor would ask 
Mrs. Eddy why she used glasses instead of overcoming the 
defect in her eyesight by mind. This question usually annoyed 
her, and on one occasion she replied sharply that she " wore 
glasses because of the sins of the world," probably meaning that 
the belief in failing eyesight had become so firmly established 
throughout the ages that she could not at once overcome it. 

Mrs. Eddy's audiences were largely made up of people who 
were interested in some radical theory of theology or medicine. 
Mr. Arthur T. Buswell, for instance, who afterward became 
prominent in the Christian Science movement, had been em 
ployed in the New England Hygiene Home, a water-cure sana 
torium at West Concord, Vt., and had come to Boston to prac 
tise hydropathy. 1 His friend, James Ackland, who attended 
the lectures with him, was a professor of phrenology. 

When Mrs. Eddy felt that one of the Sunday afternoon 
visitors had become interested in her lectures, Mr. Eddy mildly 
but persistently followed him up. He used often to drop in 

1 Mr. Buswell had first become interested in mind cure through Dr. John A. 
Tenney, now a physician at Number 2 Commonwealth Avenue, who, in turn, 
had become interested in the subject through Dr. Evans, a pupil of Quimby's. 


at Mr. Buswell's office and lay before him the material and 
spiritual advantages of a course with Mrs. Eddy, telling him 
that it was impossible to realise the wonder of Mrs. Eddy's 
teaching from her public lectures. He always entered the 
office quietly, glancing back over his shoulder to see whether 
he were being followed, and spoke in a very low tone, looking 
nervously about him as he talked. He explained that the 
mesmerists were constantly on his trail, and that to avoid them 
extreme caution was necessary on his part. If he walked 
with Mr. Buswell on the street, he slipped along as if trying 
to avoid observation, and would sometimes suddenly catch Bus- 
well's sleeve and pull him into a doorway, as if he felt mesmer 
ism in the air, telling him it was very important that they 
should not be seen together, as the mesmerists were always 
shadowing him, ready to set to work upon the minds of pros 
pective students and prejudice them against Mrs. Eddy. 

Mr. Buswell and his friend Ackland, the phrenologist, were 
finally persuaded to go to Lynn and study under Mrs. Eddy. 
They both roomed in Mrs. Eddy's house, and Mr. Buswell's 
experience there was a pleasant one. Mrs. Eddy's fortunes 
were then at a low ebb. There was now a good deal of feeling 
against her in the town, and her frequent differences with her 
followers and the scandal caused by the witchcraft and con 
spiracy cases had reduced the number of her students. There 
were but three in Mr. Buswell's class, and one of these dropped 
out, leaving only Mr. Ackland and himself to complete the 
course. Other students who came under Mrs. Eddy's instruc 
tion at about this time were: Hanover P. Smith, a young man 
who worked in his aunt's boarding-house in Boston and who 


afterward became incurably insane; Joseph Morton, who was 
a maker of flavoring extracts in Boston, and who was in 
terested in astrology; and Edward A. Orne. 

Litigation had been a heavy drain upon Mrs. Eddy finan 
cially. She and Mr. Eddy let the lower floor of their house, 
occupying, themselves, only the upstairs rooms, and now they 
rented one of those. They did their own housework, and Mrs. 
Eddy was exceedingly cheerful and courageous about it. Mr. 
Buswell remembers finding her on her knees with soap and 
pail one afternoon, scrubbing her back stairs. When he re 
proved her for undertaking such heavy work, she laughed and 
replied that it was good for her to stir about after writing 
all morning, adding that she could not get good help, as the 
mesmerists immediately affected her servants. Mr. Buswell 
remembers that in her classroom she sometimes related how 
once when she was driving through Boston in an open carriage, 
a cripple had come up to the carriage, and she had put out 
her hand and healed him. She also told of returning home 
after several days' absence to find her window plants drooping 
and dying. She had discovered that when she was in the 
house the plants could live without sunlight or moisture, so, 
instead of watering them, she put them in the attic and treated 
them mentally, after which they were completely restored. 2 
Sometimes, on the same morning that she related one of these 
extravagant anecdotes, she would tell, with apparent apprecia- 

2 This incident may have been one of the " floral demonstrations " referred 
to in a letter sent from Pleasant View, March 21, 1896, which says : 

"... While Mrs. Eddy was in a suburban town of Boston she brought 
out one apple blossom on an apple tree in January when the ground was 
covered with snow. And in Lynn demonstrated in the Floral line some such 
small things. But Mrs. Woodbury was never with her in a single instance of 
these demonstrations. 

" Respectfully 



tion, how Bronson Alcott, after reading Science and Health, 
had said that no one but a woman or a fool could have written it. 

At this time the skeleton in the house was still Malicious 
Mesmerism. Ever since his arrest upon the charge of con 
spiracy to murder, Mr. Eddy had seemed stupefied by fear, 
and he went about like a man labouring under a spell. He 
was trying to teach a little, but said that the mesmerists broke 
up his classes. He had a tendency to brood upon the few 
things in which he was interested at all, and he used to become 
deeply despondent, confiding to the loyal students his fear 
that the work would be utterly broken down and trampled out. 

Mrs. Eddy was nervous about her mail, and believed that 
her letters were intercepted. When she wrote letters now, she 
had one of her students take them to some remote part of the 
town and drop them into one of the mail-boxes farthest away 
from her house. She believed that the mesmerists kept her 
under continual espionage, and she seldom went out of the 
house alone. When Mr. Eddy got home after a trip to Boston, 
ten miles distant, she would embrace him and thank God that 
he had escaped the enemy once again. Mrs. Eddy's heaviest 
cross was that the mesmerists were apparently triumphant. 
She was greatly chagrined by the fact that Richard Kennedy 
had been able to build up a practice in Boston, and his pros 
perity hurt her like a personal affront. He had stolen his 
success, she said. Within a year after the conspiracy trouble, 
Edward Arens also incurred her displeasure, and she added 
him to the list of mesmerists. She kept photographs of Ken 
nedy, Spofford, and Arens in her desk, Kennedy's picture 
marked with a black cross, and the other two marked with red 


crosses. Kennedy was still regarded as the Lucifer of mesmer 
ism and the source of the corrupting influence. In the course 
of time he had fellows, but never a rival. It was when Mrs. 
Eddy would become agitated in talking of these three men 
that her students first noticed that violent trembling of the 
head, which was the beginning of the palsy which afterward 
afflicted Mrs. Eddy. Mesmerism became the dominating con 
ception of her life, and it is difficult to find a parallel for such 
a constant and terrifying sense of evil unless one turns to 
Bunyan in the days before his conversion, or to Martin Luther 
in the monastery of Wittenberg, when he lived under such a 
continual oppression of sin that the gates of hell seemed always 
open just under the flagstones as he paced the cloisters. 3 Her 
illnesses, like Luther's earache, were purely the result of a 
consciously malicious agency ; but, unlike Luther's, Mrs. Eddy's 
depression never came from a feeling of unworthiness or a sense 
of sin. 

After she left Richard Kennedy, Mrs. Eddy seems for some 
years to have given little thought to the project which she used 
to discuss with him of founding a new church. It is quite 
possible that even then by " church " she meant a new faith 
rather than an organised sect. In the first edition of Science 
and Health she expressed her opinion that church organisation 
was a hindrance rather than a help to the highest spiritual 

We have no need of creeds and church organisation to sustain or explain 
a demonstrable platform, that defines itself in healing the sick, and casting 

* " In the monastery of Wittenberg, he constantly heard the Devil making a 
noise in the cloisters ; and became at last so accustomed to the fact, that he 
related that, on one occasion, having been awakened by the sound, he perceived 
that it was only the Devil, and accordingly went to sleep again. The black 
stain in the castle of Wartburg still marks the place where he flung an ink- 
bottle at the Devil." Lecky, Rationalism in Europe. 


out error. The uselessness of drugs, the emptiness of knowledge that 
puffeth up, and the imaginary laws of matter are very apparent to those 
who are rising to the more glorious demonstration of their God-being. 

The mistake the disciples of Jesus made to found religious organisations 
and church rites, if indeed they did this, was one the Master did not make; 
but the mistake church members make to employ drugs to heal the sick, 
was not made by the students of Jesus. Christ's church was Truth, " I 
am Truth and Life," the temple for the worshippers of Truth is Spirit 
and not matter. . . . 

No time was lost by our Master in organisations, rites, and ceremonies, 
or in proselyting for certain forms of belief. 4 

The very fact, however, that Christian Science was irrecon 
cilable with the doctrines of any of the established churches 
must have suggested that it should have an organisation of 
its own. A belief which presented a new theory of the Godhead, 
of sin and the atonement, which declared that petitions to a 
personal Deity could not obtain for man truth, life, or love, 5 
needed an organisation behind it if it were to be successfully 
propagated. Mrs. Eddy's most useful and effective students 
had been active in church work before they came into Christian 
Science. They missed their old church associations and wanted 
a church to work for. They believed that their new faith was 
a revival of the apostolic method of healing, a new growth from 
the original root of Christianity, and it was as a religion, 
rather than a philosophy, that they liked to regard it. While 
most of these students had first allied themselves with Christian 
Science chiefly because they wished to heal or to be healed, 
a mere scheme of therapeutics, even metaphysical therapeutics, 
was too deficient in sentiment to hold them together and fire 
them with the zeal which the cause demanded. Mrs. Eddy 
began to realise this and to see that the time had come to 

4 Science and Health (1875), pp. 166, 167. 
6 Science and Health (1875), p. 289. 


emphasise the more expressly religious features of Christian 

The first Christian Science organisation was that formed 
June 8, 1875, when eight of Mrs. Eddy's students banded to 
gether, calling themselves " the Christian Scientists," and pledg 
ing themselves to raise money enough to have Mrs. Eddy address 
them every Sunday. On July 4, 1876, the students reorgan 
ised into " The Christian Scientists' Association," and this 
society still held occasional informal meetings when first a church 
organisation was talked of. 

In 1879 Mrs. Eddy and her students took steps to form a 
chartered church organisation. They elected officers and direct 
ors, and chose a name, " The Church of Christ (Scientist)." 
On August 6th they applied to the State for a charter. The 
officers and directors were : Mary B. G. Eddy, president ; 
Margaret J. Dunshee, treasurer; Edward A. Orne, Miss Dorcas 
B. Rawson, Arthur T. Bus well, James Ackland, Margaret J. 
Foley, Mrs. Mary Ruddock, Oren Carr, directors. 

All proceedings were conducted with the greatest secrecy, 
as Mrs. Eddy felt that it was imperative that the infant 
church should be hidden from the knowledge of the mesmerists, 
Spofford and Kennedy. When it was necessary for the newly 
elected officers and directors to meet before a notary and to 
sign the agreement of incorporation, Mrs. Eddy had a long 
list of notaries looked up, and finally selected one in Charles- 
town, a man who was known to Margaret Dunshee, and for 
whom she could vouch that he had no affiliations with mesmer 
ists. The students met at Mrs. Dunshee's house in Charles- 
town, and, one by one, by circuitous routes, they went to the 


notary's office, where the papers were made out and signed. 
This meeting of the subscribers to the articles of incorporation 
occurred August 15th, and the papers were filed and a charter 
issued August 23, 1879. The purpose of the corporation was 
given as " to carry on and transact the business necessary to 
the worship of God," and Boston was named as the place 
within which it was established. There were in all twenty-six 
charter members, but by no means all of these were active in 
the work. The membership roll represented, like those of most 
new churches in small towns, all who could be persuaded to ally 
themselves with the sect. 

For the first sixteen months of its existence the church had 
no regular place of meeting, but Sunday services were held at 
the houses of various members in Lynn and Boston. The Lynn 
meetings were usually held at the house of Mrs. F. A. Damon, 
who was one of the most earnest workers in the new church. A 
copy of the secretary's minutes of the Lynn meetings shows 
that, in Mrs. Eddy's absence, either Mrs. Damon or Mrs. Rice 
usually conducted the service. These minutes are interesting 
in that they make one realise what a small organisation the 
Christian Science Church then was. Half a dozen members, 
gathered in Mrs. Damon's parlour on Jackson Street, consti 
tuted a congregation. The minutes show that on one Sunday 
five members were present; on another four; on another seven, 
etc. The Boston circle of Christian Scientists, which met at 
the house of Mrs. Clara Choate, was scarcely larger. The 
service itself, however, was very much like the service now 
used in the great church in Boston. The meeting opened with 
silent prayer or with Mrs. Eddy's interpretation of the Lord's 


Prayer ; then Mrs. Damon read from Science and Health, after 
which Mrs. Rice read from the Scriptures. The following 
record occurs for the meeting on September 5, 1880: 

Meeting opened by Mrs. Damon in the usual way. Mrs. M. B. G. Eddy, 
having completed her summer vacation, was present and delivered a dis 
course on Mesmerism. 

Whole number in attendance, twenty-two. 

On the following Sunday the subject was again Mesmerism. 
Mrs. Eddy's resuming of her duties seems to have been marked 
by a vigorous return to this subject and by a marked increase 
in the attendance. 

On December 12, 1880, the Christian Scientists began to 
hold their services in the Hawthorne rooms, on Park Street, 
Boston. Mrs. Eddy usually preached and conducted the serv 
ices, though occasionally one of her students took her place, 
and now and again a minister of some other denomination was 
invited to occupy the pulpit. In spite of the fact that she was 
always effective on the rostrum, Mrs. Eddy seemed to dread 
these Sunday services. The necessity for wearing spectacles 
embarrassed her. When she sometimes wore glasses in her own 
home, she apologised for doing so, explaining that it was a 
habit she often rose above, but that at times the mesmerists 
were too strong for her. She believed that the mesmerists 
set to work upon her before the hour of the weekly services, 
and on Sunday morning her faithful students were sometimes 
called to her house to treat her against Kennedy, SpofFord, and 
Arens, until she took the train for Boston. Certain ones of the 
students were delegated to attend her from Lynn to Boston 
and to occupy front seats in the Hawthorne rooms for the 


purpose of treating her while she spoke. On the way back 
to Lynn the party frequently discussed the particular kind 
of evil influence which had been brought to bear upon Mrs. 
Eddy during the service. Already Mrs. Eddy thought she 
could tell which was Kennedy's influence and which was Spof- 
ford's, and she could even liken their effect upon her to the 
operation of certain drugs. Later Arens' malevolence, too, 
came to have an aroma of its own, so that when Mrs. Eddy rose 
in the morning she could tell by the kind of depression she 
experienced which of the three was to be her tormentor for 
the day. At times she was convinced that Kennedy and Spof- 
ford were both annoying her, and not infrequently she declared 
that the three mesmerists had all set upon her at once. 

During the last few years the attitude of the Lynn public 
toward Mrs. Eddy had changed from one of amused indifference 
to one of silent hostility. Mrs. Eddy attributed this change 
entirely to Kennedy and Spofford, and despairing of ever bring 
ing her work to a successful issue in Lynn, she began planning 
to take Christian Science up bodily and flee with it to some 
place far removed from mesmerists. She decided to send Arthur 
Buswell to some other part of the country, there to seek out 
a spot for the planting of her church. Where to send him 
was the question. Mrs. Eddy and Mr. Buswell got out a 
map of the United States and studied it together. But, how 
ever topical the map, there were no red or green lines to indi 
cate where mesmerism ran light or heavy, and they realised 
that the venture would be largely a leap in the dark. They 
finally selected Cincinnati, attracted, Mr. Buswell says, by its 
central location and by the number of railroads which seemed, 


on the map, to pass through that city. Mr. Buswell was, ac 
cordingly, despatched, at his own expense, to make straight 
the path in Cincinnati, with the understanding that Mrs. Eddy 
would follow him in six weeks. 6 She did not go, however, and 
was greatly annoyed when Mr. Buswell ran out of money 
and wrote to her for help. She replied that it was very evident 
to her that mesmeric influences were abroad in Cincinnati as 
well as in Lynn, and had inspired him with disloyal sentiments. 
In the meantime Mrs. Eddy's forerunners in Boston had been 
meeting with some success. Mrs. Clara Choate and her hus 
band had taken a house on Shawmut Avenue and were intro 
ducing the Christian Science treatment of disease. Edward J. 
Arens came to Boston immediately after the unfortunate con 
spiracy tangle, and fell to work with industry and courage. 
He took an office at 32 Upton Street and began to do missionary 
work among the marketmen down about Faneuil Hall, treating 
a bronchial cold here and a case of rheumatism there. He 
spoke occasionally in a hall in Charlestown, lecturing on Meta 
physical Healing, and charging an admission fee of ten cents. 
Among his first patrons was James C. Howard, a bookkeeper 
who came to arrange for treatments for his invalid wife. This 
was before Mrs. Eddy had entirely renounced Mr. Arens, and 
it was in his office that Mr. Howard first met Mrs. Eddy. He 
became interested in Christian Science and made one of a class 
of two which Mrs. Eddy taught at Mrs. Choate's house. Mrs. 
Eddy was then in need of practitioners, and she urgently needed 
an active man of affairs to succeed Mr. Arens, toward whom 

6 At about the same time that Mrs. Eddy sent Mr. Buswell to Cincinnati to 
prepare a way for her, she sent Joseph Morton to New York on the same 
mission, promising to follow later. He opened an office on Ninth Street, but, 
as he found no patients, he soon returned to Boston. 


she had begun to feel deep resentment. She was also desirous 
of letting the lower floor of her Broad Street house, which had 
been tenantless for some time, in spite of the fact that she had 
tried very hard to rent it. In fact, Mrs. Eddy's differences 
with her tenants, servants, and students had created a general 
impression in Lynn that life at Number 8 Broad Street was 
difficult and complicated. Mr. Howard, when he moved there 
with his wife and children, certainly found it so. The Eddys 
were in such perpetual terror of mesmerism that they could 
give very little attention to anything else. They felt that the 
sentiment toward them in Lynn had changed, and Mrs. Eddy was 
so anxious and nervous that she easily gave way to petulance 
and anger. Mr. Howard and Mr. Eddy were indefatigable 
in their efforts to please her, but whatever they did, it usually 
proved to be the wrong thing. She had lost all patience with 
Mr. Eddy's slowness and had begun to exhibit annoyance at 
his somewhat rustic manner and appearance. Mr. Eddy had 
never been a particularly efficient man, and now his fear of 
mesmerists kept him in a semi-somnambulant condition. He 
sometimes became deeply discouraged in his efforts to help his 
wife, and once bitterly confided to Mrs. Rice that he did not 
believe God Almighty could please Mrs. Eddy. 

Mr. Howard was an alert, adaptable young man who made 
himself useful in a great many ways. He took charge of the 
sale of the third edition of Mrs. Eddy's book, often acted as 
her private secretary, and played the cornet at the Sunday 
services in Hawthorne Hall. Mrs. Eddy at first seemed fond 
of him and seemed to enjoy his musical accomplishment. But 
she soon tired of him as she had tired of so many others, and 


grew so exacting that when he went out to do her errands he 
found it expedient to take down her instructions in writing, so 
that if, by the time he returned, she had changed her mind 
as to what she wanted done, he would have his notes to justify 
himself. When Mr. Howard left Mrs. Eddy's house in Octo 
ber, 1881, six months after he had moved into it, he had de 
cided to leave the Church as well. 

Mr. Howard was not the only Christian Scientist who came 
to this decision. Discouragement and discontent had been 
growing among Mrs. Eddy's oldest and most devout followers. 
For a long while they said nothing to each other, and each 
bore his disappointment and disillusionment as best he could. 
They believed firmly in the principles of Christian Science and 
hesitated to do anything which might injure the Church, but 
they felt that no good, either to her or to themselves, could 
come from their further association with Mrs. Eddy. Mr. 
Howard, when he went to explain his position to Mrs. Rice 
before he took the final step, found, to his amazement, that 
both she and her sister, Miss Rawson, felt that they had come 
to the end of their endurance and could follow Mrs. Eddy no 
further. Five others of the leading women of the Church 
confessed that they were discouraged and dissatisfied. They 
were tired of being dragged as witnesses into lawsuits which 
they believed were unwise, and which they knew brought dis 
credit upon the Church and, discouraged by the outbursts of 
rage which Mrs. Eddy apparently made no effort to control, 
and which they believed helped to bring on the violent illnesses 
for which they were perpetually called to treat her. Above 
all, they were tired of Malicious Mesmerism. Several of her 


students really believed that this subject had become a mono 
mania with Mrs. Eddy. Christian Science seemed, for the time, 
to have been superseded, and Demonology was the living and 
important issue. After earnest discussion and consultation, 
eight of Mrs. Eddy's most prominent students agreed to 
withdraw from the Church together. They held a meeting 
and drew up a memorial which each of them signed, and 
of which each preserved a copy. This resolution read as 
follows : 

We, the undersigned, while we acknowledge and appreciate the under 
standing of Truth imparted to us by our Teacher, Mrs. Mary B. G. Eddy, 
led by Divine Intelligence to perceive with sorrow that departure from the 
straight and narrow road (which alone leads to growth of Christ-like 
virtues) made manifest by frequent ebullitions of temper, love of money, 
and the appearance of hypocrisy, cannot longer submit to such Leadership; 
therefore, without aught of hatred, revenge or petty spite in our hearts, 
from a sense of duty alone, to her, the Cause, and ourselves, do most 
respectfully withdraw our names from the Christian Science Association 
and Church of Christ (Scientist). 

21st October, 1881. 

On the night of October 21st this memorial was read aloud 
by Mrs. F. A. Damon at the regular meeting of the Christian 
Scientists' Association. This meeting, which was a heated 
session, was prolonged until after midnight. The eight resig 
nations were a complete surprise to Mrs. Eddy, and she ex 
pressed her indignation at length, declaring that the resigning 


members were all the victims of mesmerism. The next day 
she made an effort to see in person several of the signers of 
the memorial, but they kept well within their doors and refused 
her admittance. Mr. Howard had been Mrs. Eddy's business 
representative; Mrs. Dunshee, Mrs. Newman, and Mrs. Stuart 
were all able and intelligent women, and their membership had 
been a source of great pride to Mrs. Eddy. Mrs. Rice and 
Miss Rawson had been her friends and followers for more than 
eleven years, and were the only ones of her early students who 
had been faithful until the founding of the Church. They had 
believed in her sincerely, and had served her, heart and soul. 
Because of Mrs. Rice's robust health, Mrs. Eddy liked to have 
her much about her. Mrs. Rice had been more successful than 
any other student in treating Mrs. Eddy in her illnesses, and 
a messenger from Broad Street often summoned her to Mrs. 
Eddy's side in the hours after midnight. When Mr. Eddy 
was arrested on the charge of conspiracy and thrown into jail, 
it was Mrs. Rice who persuaded her husband to furnish bail. 
On the morning after her resignation from the Church, Mrs. 
Rice saw Mrs. Eddy a moment from her window, but from 
that day to this she has never seen her again. 

Instead of accepting the eight resignations, Mrs. Eddy noti 
fied the resigning members that they were liable to expulsion, 
and summoned them to meet the Church on October 29th. They 
did not appear, but at this meeting Mrs. F. A. Damon, at 
whose house the church services were formerly held, and Miss 
A. A. Draper, secretary of the Church, also resigned. In 
their letters of resignation they stated that they " could no 
longer entertain the subject of Mesmerism which had lately 


been made uppermost in the meetings and in Mrs. Eddy's talks." 
Edward A. Orne had quietly left the Church some time before, 
and Mr. Buswell was in Cincinnati. There were scarcely a 
dozen students left to whom Mrs. Eddy could turn in an hour 
of need. During the next few months she worked incessantly 
to rally her shattered ranks, and on February 3, 1882, the 
few remaining members of the Christian Scientists' Association 
published in the Lynn Union resolutions 7 censuring the act of 
the seceding members, stamping their charges as untrue, and 
indorsing Mrs. Eddy to the extent of affirming her " the chosen 
messenger of God to the nations," and declaring that " unless 
we hear Her voice we do not hear His voice." 

Ardent as these resolutions were, they were the swan-song 
of the movement in Lynn, and to this day the Christian Science 
Church there has never prospered. Its members declare that 

7 The following is a copy of these resolutions : 

" At a meeting of the Christian Scientist association the following resolu 
tions were unanimously adopted : 

" Resolved, That we the members of the Christian Scientist association, do 
herein express to our beloved teacher, and acknowledged leader, Mary B. 
Glover Eddy, our sincere and heartfelt thanks and gratitude for her earnest 
labours in behalf of this association, by her watchfulness of its interest, and 
persistent efforts to maintain the highest rule of Christian love among its 

" Resolved, That while she has had little or no help, except from God, in the 
introduction to this age of materiality of her book, Science and Health, and 
the carrying forward of the Christian principles it teaches and explains, she 
has been unremitting in her faithfulness to her God-appointed work, and we 
do understand her to be the chosen messenger of God to bear his truth to the 
nations, and unless we hear ' Her Voice,' we do not hear ' His Voice.' 

" Resolved, That while many and continued attempts are made by the mal- 
practise, as referred to in the book, Science and Health, to hinder and stop 
the advance of Christian science, it has with her leadership attained a success 
that calls out the truest gratitude of her students, and when understood, by 
all humanity. 

" Resolved, That the charges made to her in a letter, signed by J. C. Howard, 
M. R. Rice. D. B. Rawson. and five others, of hypocrisy, ebullitions of temper, 
and love of money, are utterly false, and the cowardice of the signers in re 
fusing to meet her and sustain or explain said charges, be treated with the 
righteous indignation it justly deserves. That while we deplore such wicked 
ness and abuse of her who has befriended them in their need, and when wrong, 
met them with honest, open rebuke, we look with admiration and reverence 
upon her Christ-like example of meekness and charity, and will, in future, 
more faithfully follow and obey her divine instructions, knowing that in so 
doing we offer the highest testimonial of our appreciation of her Christian 

" Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be presented to our teacher and 
leader. Mary B. Glover Eddy, and a copy be placed on the records of. this 
Christian Scientist association." 


there is an error in belief there regarding Mrs. Eddy which 
they find hard to overcome. 

Mrs. Eddy at last despaired of conquering the prejudice 
that had arisen in Lynn against her and her religion. While 
she attributed this to the influence of the mesmerists, her 
seceding students attributed it to the unpleasant notoriety 
given her by her lawsuits and her quarrels with her followers. 
Whether these lawsuits were really discreditable to Mrs. Eddy 
or not, they were generally considered to be so in Lynn. People 
did not stop to discover whether they arose on reasonable 
grounds. The general public caught only the obvious paradox 
that here were a group of people teaching a new religion and 
professing to overcome sin and bodily disease through their 
superior realisation of Divine love, and that they were con 
stantly quarrelling and bickering among themselves, accusing 
each other of fraud, dishonesty, witchcraft, bad temper, greed 
of money, hypocrisy, and finally of a conspiracy to murder. 
Unquestionably Mrs. Eddy, as the accepted messenger of God, 
was more severely criticised for her part in these altercations 
than if she had appeared before the courts merely as a citizen 
of Lynn, and this criticism had much to do with the cloud 
of suspicion and distrust which hung over the Church when, 
in the early part of the winter of 1882, Mrs. Eddy left Lynn 
forever behind her and went to Boston. 

Mrs. Eddy's departure from Lynn was distinctly in the 
nature of a retreat. A neutral field had become pronouncedly 
hostile; her oldest friends and most ardent workers had left 
her. Science and Health had been through three editions, but 
less than four thousand copies of the book had been sold. 


Her following was now, for the most part, made up of indiffer 
ent material discontented women, and young men who had not 
succeeded in finding their place in the world, or who had drifted 
away from other professions. The Christian Science Church 
was a struggling organisation with considerably less than fifty 
members ; its history had been one of dissension, and its good 
standing was all to make and Mrs. Eddy was then sixty-one 
years old. 






THE organisation of the Christian Science Church in August, 
1879, seems to have suggested the organisation of another 
institution, which, in the history of the Christian Science move 
ment, is second in importance only to the Church itself. The 
Massachusetts Metaphysical College was chartered January 31, 
1881, and between that date and 1889, when it closed, about 
four thousand persons studied Christian Science in this insti 
tution, and to-day many practising healers have the degree of 
C.S.B., C.S.D., or D.S.D. from Mrs. Eddy's college. 

The college was organised something more than a year 
before Mrs. Eddy removed permanently to Boston, and was, 
in the beginning, one of the experiments by which she strove 
to rehabilitate herself in Lynn. Its charter was issued under 
an act passed in 1874, 1 an act so loose in its requirements, 
resulting in the chartering of so many dubious institutions 
and the granting of so many misleading diplomas, that, in 1883, 

1 Acts and Resolves passed by the General Court of Massachusetts, 1874, 
Chapter 375, Section 2 : " Such association may be entered into for any educa 
tional, charitable, benevolent, or religious purpose ; for the prosecution of any 
antiquarian, historical, literary, scientific, medical, artistic, monumental, or 
musical purposes," etc., etc. This Chapter 375 was later merged into Chapter 
115 of the Public Statutes. 



medical institutions chartered under this act were prohibited 
from conferring degrees. The purpose of the Massachusetts 
Metaphysical College, as stated in the articles of agreement, 
was : " To teach pathology, ontology, therapeutics, moral sci 
ence, metaphysics, and their application to the treatment of 
diseases." The signers to the articles of agreement were: 
Mary B. G. Eddy, president; James C. Howard, treasurer; 
Charles J. Eastman, M.D., Edgar F. Woodbury, James Wiley, 
William F. Walker, and Samuel P. Bancroft, directors ; all 
students of Mrs. Eddy's except Charles J. Eastman, who had 
been a pupil in the little " dame's school " which Mrs. Eddy 
taught at Tilton for a few months during her first widow 
hood, and who at this time had a doubtful medical practice in 

The name " Massachusetts Metaphysical College " is some 
what misleading. During the nine years of its existence this 
institution never had a building of its own, or any other seat 
than Mrs. Eddy's parlour, and, with very incidental exceptions, 
Mrs. Eddy herself, during all this time, constituted the entire 
faculty. 2 In short, the Massachusetts Metaphysical College, 
subsequently of such wide fame among Christian Scientists, 
was simply Mrs. Eddy, and its seat was wherever she happened 
to be. To call it an institution was a very literal application 
of the boast of the old Williams alumni that Mark Hopkins on 
one end of a saw-log and a student on the other would make a 

The organisation of the college in 1881 in no way changed 
Mrs. Eddy's manner of instruction. Her new letter-heads, 

2 Mrs. Eddy states that her husband taught two terms In her college, that 
her adopted son, E. J. Foster Eddy, taught one term, and that Erastus N. Bates 
taught one class. 


indeed, told the public that the Massachusetts Metaphysical 
College was located at Number 8 Broad Street, Lynn, but the 
name was the only thing which was new. Classes of from two 
to five students continued to meet on the second floor of Mrs. 
Eddy's house, as before, and she gave but one course of study : 
twelve lessons in mental healing, very similar to those she had 
given to Miss Rawson, Mrs. Rice, and their fellow-students 
eleven years before except that " manipulation " was now dis 
countenanced, and denunciation of mesmerism was a prominent 
feature of the lectures. The tuition fee was still three hundred 
dollars, the price which Mrs. Eddy says she fixed under Divine 
guidance; although, in many instances where the student was 
unable to pay that amount, she took one hundred dollars instead. 

When Mrs. and Mr. Eddy moved to Boston in the early 
spring of 1882, they soon took a house at 569 Columbus Avenue, 
Mrs. Eddy's first permanent home in Boston, and on the door 
placed a large silver plate bearing the inscription, " Massa 
chusetts Metaphysical College." At about this time Mr. 
Eddy's health began to decline, and both he and his wife believed 
that he was suffering from the adverse mental treatments of 
Edward J. Arens. 

After the charge of conspiracy to murder, brought in 1878, 
a coldness developed between Mr. Arens and the Eddys. He 
came to Boston, and began to exercise some originality in his 
practice and teaching, which was, of course, very obnoxious 
to Mrs. Eddy. In 1881 Mr. Arens published a pamphlet en 
titled Theology, or the Understanding of God as Applied to 
Healing the Sick. In this pamphlet Mr. Arens quoted ex 
tensively from Science and Health, using the text of Mrs. 


Eddy's work where it answered his purpose, but substituting 
his own ideas for many of her statements which he believed 
were extreme or untenable. In his preface he announced that 
he made no claim to the authorship of the doctrine which he 
advanced, stating that it had been practised by Jesus and the 
apostles, by the secret association of priests known as the 
Gottesfreunde in the fourteenth century, and in the nineteenth 
century by P. P. Quimby of Belfast, Me. He added that he 
had made use of " some thoughts contained in a work by Eddy." 
The third edition of Science and Health appeared a few months 
later, containing a preface signed by Asa G. Eddy, which 
scathingly denounced Arens as a plagiarist, and paid the follow 
ing tribute to Mrs. Eddy: 

" Mrs. Eddy's works are the outgrowths of her life. I never 
knew so unselfish an individual, or one so tireless in what she 
considers her duty. It would require ages and God's mercy 
to make the ignorant hypocrite who published that pamphlet 
originate its contents. His pratings are coloured by his char 
acter, they cannot impart the hue of ethics, but leave his own 
impress on what he takes. He knows less of metaphysics than 
any decently honest man." 

From this time on, the Eddys credited Mr. Arens with the 
same malicious intervention in their affairs with which they 
had already charged Mr. Kennedy and Mr. Spofford. As has 
been mentioned before, Mrs. Eddy believed that the mesmeric 
influence of each of these three men affected her differently, and 
that each operated upon her in a manner analogous to the 
effect of certain harmful drugs. The influence of Mr. Arens, 
she insisted, affected her like arsenic. Hence, when Mr. Eddy's 


health began to fail, she diagnosed his case as the result of 
Mr. Arens' mesmeric influence, or, as she expressed it, " arsenical 
poison, mentally administered." To say that Mr. Eddy be 
lieved in malicious mesmerism more sincerely than did his wife 
would perhaps be incorrect ; but his was the more passive nature, 
and he had less power of reaction and recuperation. He was 
convinced that he was being slowly poisoned, and daily treated 
himself against Mr. Arens and his alliterative chemical equiva 

When Mr. Eddy continued to grow steadily worse, Mrs. Eddy 
became alarmed, and sent for a regular physician. She called 
Dr. Rufus K. Noyes, then of Lynn, a graduate of the Dart 
mouth Medical School, and who has now for many years been 
a physician in Boston. Dr. Noyes found Mr. Eddy's case very 
simple, and told Mrs. Eddy that her husband was suffering 
from a common and very well-defined disease of the heart, and 
that he might die at any moment. He came to see Mr. Eddy 
twice after this, gave him advice as to diet, hygiene, and rest, 
and suggested the usual tonics for the heart and general 

Mr. Eddy's death occurred on the morning of Saturday, 
June 3d, some hours before daybreak, and almost immediately 
Mrs. Eddy telegraphed Dr. Noyes to come up from Lynn and 
perform an autopsy. 3 The autopsy was private, and was 
conducted at the widow's request. Dr. Noyes found that death 
had resulted from an organic disease of the heart, the aortic 

8 Only the year before, Mrs. Eddy had expressed herself strongly against 
post-mortem examinations : " A metaphysician never gives medicine, recommends 
or trusts in hygiene, or believes in the ocular or the post-mortem examination 
of patients." Science and Health (1881), Vol. I., p. 269. 

" Many a hopeless case of disease is induced by a single post-mortem exami 
nation," Science and Health (1881), Vol. I., p. 163. 


valve being destroyed and the surrounding tissues infiltrated 
with calcareous matter. 

It is necessary to remember that, fantastic as the theory of 
poisoning by mental suggestion may sound, Mrs. Eddy thor 
oughly believed in it, and she considered her husband's death 
absolute proof of the power of malicious mesmerism to destroy 
life. Charles J. Eastman, who attended Mr. Eddy just before 
his death, agreed with Mrs. Eddy that the symptoms were 
those of arsenical poisoning, and she doubtless thought that 
the autopsy would corroborate this opinion. After the autopsy 
she still clung to her conviction, and, although Dr. Noyes 
actually took Mr. Eddy's heart into the room where she was 
and pointed out to her its defects, she still maintained that her 
husband had died from mental arsenic. On Monday she gave 
out the following interview : 4 

My husband's death was caused by malicious mesmerism. Dr. C. J. 
Eastman, who attended the case after it had taken an alarming turn, 
declares the symptoms to be the same as those of arsenical poisoning. 
On the other hand, Dr. Rufus K. Noyes, late of the City Hospital, who 
held an autopsy over the body to-day, affirms that the corpse is free from 
all material poison, although Dr. Eastman still holds to his original belief. 
I know it was poison that killed him, not material poison, but mesmeric 
poison. My husband was in uniform health, and but seldom complained 
of any kind of ailment. During his brief illness, just preceding his 
death, his continual cry was, " Only relieve me of this continual suggestion, 
through the mind, of poison, and I will recover." It is well known that 
by constantly dwelling upon any subject in thought finally comes the 
poison of belief through the whole system. ... I never saw a more 
self-possessed man than dear Dr. Eddy was. He said to Dr. Eastman, 
when he was finally called to attend him : " My case is nothing that I 
cannot attend to myself, although to me it acts the same as poison and 
seems to pervade my whole system just as that would." 

This is not the first case known of where death has occurred from 
what appeared to be poison, and was so declared by the attending 

* Boston Post, June 5, 1882. 


physician, but in which the body, on being thoroughly examined by an 
autopsy, was shown to possess no signs of material poison. There was 
such a case in New York. Every one at first declared poison to have been 
the cause of death, as the symptoms were all there; but an autopsy 
contradicted the belief, and it was shown that the victim had had no 
opportunity for procuring poison. I afterwards learned that she had been 
very active in advocating the merits of our college. Oh, isn't it terrible, 
that this fiend of malpractice is in the land! The only remedy that is 
effectual in meeting this terrible power possessed by the evil-minded is 
to counteract it by the same method that I use in counteracting poison. 
They require the same remedy. Circumstances debarred me from taking 
hold of my husband's case. He declared himself perfectly capable of 
carrying himself through, and I was so entirely absorbed in business that 
I permitted him to try, and when I awakened to the danger it was too 
late. I have cured worse cases before, but took hold of them in time. 
I don't think that Dr. Carpenter 5 had anything to do with my husband's 
death, but I do believe it was the rejected students 6 students who were 
turned away from our college because of their unworthiness and im 
morality. To-day I sent for one of the students whom my husband had 
helped liberally, and given money, not knowing how unworthy he was. 
I wished him to come, that I might prove to him how, by metaphysics, 
I could show the cause of my husband's death. He was as pale as a 
ghost when he came to the door, and refused to enter, or to believe that I 
knew what caused his death. Within half an hour after he left, I felt 
the same attack that my husband felt the same that caused his death. 
I instantly gave myself the same treatment that I would use in a case 
of arsenical poisoning, and so I recovered, just the same as I could have 
caused my husband to recover had I taken the case in time. After a 
certain amount of mesmeric poison has been administered it cannot be 
averted. No power of mind can resist it. It must be met with resistive 
action of the mind at the start, which will counteract it. We all know 
that disease of any kind cannot reach the body except through the mind, 
and that if the mind is cured the disease is soon relieved. Only a few 
days ago I disposed of a tumour in twenty-four hours that the doctors 
had said must be removed by the knife. I changed the course of the 
mind to counteract the effect of the disease. This proves the myth of 
matter. Mesmerism will make an apple burn the hand so that the child 
will cry. My husband never spoke of death as something we were to 
meet, but only as a phase of mortal belief. ... I do believe in God's 
supremacy over error, and this gives me peace. I do believe, and have 

6 Dr. Carpenter was a well-known mesmerist who used to give public exhi 
bitions in Boston. 

6 Although Mrs. Eddy usually attributed her husband's death to Mr. Arens' 
mesmeric influence, she sometimes mentioned Richard Kennedy as his accomplice. 


been told, that there is a price set upon my head. One of my students, 
a malpractitioner, has been heard to say that he would follow us to the 
grave. He has already reached my husband. While my husband and I were 
in Washington and Philadelphia last winter, we were obliged to guard 
against poison, the same symptoms apparent at my husband's death con 
stantly attending us. And yet the one who was planning the evil against 
us was in Boston the whole time. To-day a lady, active in forwarding 
the good of our college, told me that she had been troubled almost con 
stantly with arsenical poison symptoms, and is now treating them constantly 
as I directed her. Three days ago one of my patients died, and the 
doctor said he died from arsenic, and yet there were no material symptoms 
of poison. 

The " Doctor " Eastman whom Mrs. Eddy quotes as corrobo 
rating her theory that Mr. Eddy died from arsenic was not 
a graduate of any medical school, nor is there any evidence 
that he had ever studied at one, though the then lax medical 
laws of Massachusetts did not prevent him from writing M.D. 
after his name. He was a director of Mrs. Eddy's college, and 
his name appeared in her curriculum as an authority to be 
consulted on instrumental surgery, which was not taught in 
her classes. He was also dean of the so-called " Bellevue 
Medical College," which was chartered under the same undis- 
criminating act under which Mrs. Eddy's college was chartered, 
and which was later reported as a fraudulent institution and 

In the Christian Science Journal, June, 1885, Mrs. Eddy thus 
explains Mr. Eastman's connection with her college, but neg 
lects to say that he was one of the original directors: 

Charles J. Eastman, M.D., was never a student of mine, and, to my 
knowledge, never claimed to be a Christian Scientist. At the time Mr. 
Rice ' alludes to he was a homeopathic physician and dean of the Bellevue 

T The Rev. Mr. Rice, a former member of the Massachusetts legislature, had 
written some newspaper articles against the issue of medical diplomas by Mrs. 
Eddy's college. 


Medical College. His name appeared in my curriculum as surgeon to be 
consulted outside, instrumental surgery not being taught in my college. 
His name has been removed from my curriculum. Such are the facts where 
with Rev. Mr. Rice would slander a religious sect. 

Prest. Massachusetts Metaphysical College. 

Although a genial enough fellow personally, and a frequent 
caller at Mrs. Eddy's house, Eastman's " professional " record 
is almost incredibly sinister. His private practice was largely 
of a criminal nature, and at the time when Mrs. Eddy made 
him a director of her college he had already been indicted on 
a charge of performing a criminal operation. In 1890 he was 
again before the Grand Jury on a similar charge ; and in 1893, 
upon a third charge (the patient having died from the effects 
of the operation), he was sentenced to five years in the State 
prison. Eastman served out his term, and died a few years 
after his release. 

Eastman's assertion that he found traces of arsenic in Mr. 
Eddy's body was absolutely valueless as a medical opinion. 

Mr. Eddy's funeral services were held at the house in Colum 
bus Avenue, after which his remains were taken to Tilton, N. H., 
by Mr. George D. Choate, and interred in the Baker family 
lot, Mrs. Eddy herself remaining in Boston. On the following 
Sunday, Mrs. Clara Choate preached a eulogistic funeral 
sermon before the Christian Science congregation still a small 
body of less than fifty members. Mr. Eddy, indeed, died upon 
the eve of the determining epoch in his wife's career, and could 
have had no conception of the ultimate influence and extent 
of the movement which bears his name. 

Some time after Mr. Eddy's death, his wife wrote a colloquy 
in verse, which she called " Meeting of my Departed Mother 


and Husband," in which she expressed confidence in their blessed 
state and in her own future. 

In this dialogue the mother, Abigail Baker, asks of Mr. 

Bearest them no tidings from our loved on earth, 
The toiler tireless for Truth's new birth, 

All unbeguiled? 

Our joy is gathered from her parting sigh: 
This hour looks on her heart with pitying eye, r 

What of my child? 

To this Mr. Eddy replies: 

When severed by death's dream, I woke to life: 
She deemed I died, and could not hear my strife 

At first to fill 

That waking with a love that steady turns 
To God; a hope that ever' upward yearns, 

Bowed to his will. 

Years had passed o'er thy broken household band 
When angels beckoned me to this bright land, 

With thee to meet. 

She that has wept o'er me, kissed thy cold brow, 
Rears the sad marble to our memory now 

In lone retreat. 

By the remembrance of her earthly life, 
And parting prayer, I only know my wife, 

Thy child, shall come, 

Where farewells cloud not o'er our ransomed rest, 
Hither to reap, with all the crowned and blest, 

Of bliss the sum. 

Many of Mrs. Eddy's students, as well as Mrs. Eddy herself, 
disregarded the evidence of the autopsy, and believed that Mr. 
Eddy had died from mesmeric poison rather than from a disease 
of the heart. Every new movement has its extremists, and 


Christian Science was then so young that all sorts of extravagant 
hopes were cherished among its enthusiasts. More than one 
dreamer fervently believed that the grave was at last to be 
cheated of its victory. In any case, Mr. Eddy's death was 
regarded as a blow to the movement, but, since they believed 
that the bodily organs were impotent to contribute to either 
health or disease except as they were influenced by the belief 
of the patient, it was much less discouraging to feel that Mr. 
Eddy had died from the shafts of the enemy than from a simple 
defect of the heart-valves. In the one case, his death was a 
stimulus, a call to action; in the other, it was an impeachment 
of Mr. Eddy's growth in Science, an indication that he had 
not entirely got beyond the belief in the efficacy of the organs 
of the body. Explained as the work of animal magnetism, 
Mr. Eddy's death, which might otherwise have been a blow to 
his wife professionally, was made to confirm one of her favourite 
doctrines. It was upon the subject of malicious mesmerism 
that many of her students had differed from her and fallen 
away, and even the loyal found it the most difficult of her doc 
trines to accept. Here, in Mr. Eddy's death, was absolute 
evidence of what mesmerism might accomplish. 

The hour had come when Mrs. Eddy needed all her friends 
about her. Arthur T. Buswell was still in Cincinnati, where 
he had been sent as a path-finder two years before. After 
Mrs. Eddy's tart reply when he wrote to her asking financial 
aid, their correspondence practically ceased until Mr. Eddy's 
illness, when she sent him a request to give her husband absent 
treatments. One day he received a telegram which said merely : 
" Come to 569 Columbus Avenue immediately." He accordingly 


gave up his position as Superintendent of Public Charities, 
and started at once for Boston. When he arrived at 569 
Columbus Avenue, he found Mr. Eddy dead in the house, and 
Mrs. Eddy surrounded by half a dozen faithful students, and 
almost frantic from fear. She declared that mesmerism had 
broken down her every defence, that her students were powerless 
to treat against it, and that she herself was at last prostrated. 
Twice, she said, she had resuscitated her husband from the 
power which was strangling him, but the third time her strength 
was exhausted. Mesmerism was submerging them, and she felt 
that she was barely keeping her own head above water. She 
was afraid to go out of the house, and afraid to stay in it. 
This was the end, she told her faithful women ; undoubtedly she 
would speedily follow her husband. The light of truth was to 
be put out, and the world would begin again its dreary vigil 
of centuries. 

But, although beset by grief and fear, Mrs. Eddy did not 
abandon herself to lamentation. On the contrary, she sat 
almost constantly at her desk, writing press notices and news 
paper interviews upon the subject of her husband's death. 
Mrs. Eddy, indeed, is never so commanding a figure as when 
she. bestirs herself in the face of calamity. She gave way to 
fear and dread only in the short intervals when she laid aside 
her driven pen for rest, and her best energies were concentrated 
upon how she should present to the public this misfortune 
which, if wrongly understood, might be used as an effective 
argument against Christian Science, and might retard her 
advancement in a new field. 

Soon after her husband's death, Mrs. Eddy, attended by 


Mr. Buswell and Miss Alice Sibley, went to Mr. Buswell's old 
home at Barton, Vt., to spend the remainder of the summer. 
Mr. Buswell asserts that Mrs. Eddy was in an excessively 
nervous and exhausted condition, approaching nervous prostra 
tion, and that he was called up night after night to treat her 
for those hysterical attacks from which she was never entirely 
free. But, however ill she might have been the night before, 
each day found her planning for the future of her church and 
college, arranging for lectures to be given by her students, 
looking about for new practitioners, and tirelessly devising 
means to extend the movement. She knew that a practical 
reconstruction of her household would now be necessary, and 
began casting about in her mind for such of her students as 
could be counted upon to devote themselves unreservedly to her 
service. In one of her selections, certainly, she was not mis 
taken. On the day they started back to Boston, Mrs. Eddy 
asked Mr. Buswell to telegraph Calvin A. Frye, a young 
machinist of Lawrence, Mass., who had lately studied with her, 
to meet them at Plymouth, N. H. One is tempted to wonder 
what Mr. Frye would have done, when this message reached 
him, had he known of what it was to be the beginning. From 
the day he joined Mrs. Eddy at Plymouth, and returned to 
Boston with her, he has never left her. Having entered Mrs. 
Eddy's service at the age of thirty-seven, he is now a man of 
sixty-four, and is still at his post. 

For twenty-seven years Mr. Frye has occupied an anomalous 
position in Mrs. Eddy's household. He has been her house- 
steward, bookkeeper, and secretary. When he attends her 
upon her ceremonial drives in Concord, he wears the livery of 


a footman. In a letter to her son, George Glover, written 
April 27, 1898, Mrs. Eddy describes Mr. Frye as her " man-of- 
all-work." Since Mrs. Eddy's retirement to Concord eighteen 
years ago, Calvin Frye has lived in an isolation almost as com 
plete as her own, the object of surmises and insinuations. He 
has no personal friends outside of the walls of Pleasant View, 
and the oft-repeated assertion that in twenty-seven years he has 
not been beyond Mrs. Eddy's call for twenty-four hours is 
perhaps literally true. Although her treatment of him has 
often been contemptuous in the extreme, his fidelity has been 
invaluable to Mrs. Eddy; but the actual donning of livery 
by a middle-aged man of some education and of sturdy, inde 
pendent New England ancestry, is a difficult thing to under 
stand. Whether he feels the grave charges which have recently 
been brought against him, or the ridicule of which he has long 
been the object, it is not likely that any one will ever learn 
from Mr. Frye. Whatever his motives and experiences, they 
are securely hidden behind an impassive countenance and a 
long-confirmed habit of silence. 

Calvin A. Frye was born August 24, 1845, in Frye Village, 
which is now a part of Andover, Mass., and which was formerly 
called Frye's Mills, as it was a settlement which had grown up 
about the saw-mill and grist-mill of Enoch Frye II., Calvin 
Frye's grandfather. The Fryes were an old American family, 
and their ancestors had taken part in the War of the Revolu 
tion and the War of 1812. Calvin Frye's father, Enoch Frye 
III., was born in the last year of the eighteenth century. After 
preparing himself in the Phillips Andover Academy, he entered 
Harvard University, and was graduated in 1821, with that 

by Notuiau Photo Company 


From a photograph taken about 1882 


famous class to which belonged Ralph Waldo Emerson, Samuel 
Hatch, Edward Loring, and Francis Cabot. The members 
of this class, before their graduation, agreed to hold a reunion 
every year for fifty years, and Enoch Frye was present at 
the fiftieth and last reunion of his class at Cambridge in 

After leaving college, Enoch Frye taught for a short time 
as assistant master in one of the Boston schools. In 1823 
he returned to Andover. While still a young man he had a 
long illness which left him incurably lame and partially in 
capacitated him. After his recovery he kept a small grocery- 
store. He married Lydia Barnard, and they had four chil 
dren, of whom Calvin was the third. While the children were 
still very young, the mother became insane, and, with the ex 
ception of lucid intervals of short duration, she was insane 
until her death at an advanced age. She was twice placed in an 
asylum, but, upon her return from her second stay there, she 
begged her family not to send her away again, and for twelve 
years thereafter she was the charge of her widowed daughter, 
Lydia Roaf. 

Each of Enoch Frye's children learned a trade, and Calvin, 
after attending the public school in Andover, was apprenticed 
as a machinist in Davis & Furber's machine-shops in North An 
dover. He worked there until he joined Mrs. Eddy in 1882. 
He was a good machinist, and left a steady and fairly re 
munerative employment to follow her. When he was twenty- 
six years old, Calvin married Miss Ada E. Brush of Lowell, 
who was visiting in Lawrence, and who attended the same church. 
She lived but one year, and after her death Calvin went back 


to his father's house the family had moved to Lawrence in 
the early '60's. 

The Fryes were all calm, slow, and inarticulate. They kept 
to themselves, both in Andover and in Lawrence, and never went 
anywhere except to the Congregational Church, of which they 
all were members. In their church relations they were as quiet 
and unassertive as in their secular life. They went to service 
regularly, but evinced no special interest in the church. Indeed, 
their solitary manner of life seemed to come about from a gen 
eral lack of interest in people and affairs, and they stayed 
at home not so much because of an absorbing family life as 
because they felt no impulse to stir about the world. The men 
were all good mechanics, regular and steady in their habits ; 
Lydia, the daughter, was patient, industrious, and self-sacri 
ficing. As a family, the Fryes were long-lived. Enoch III. 
lived from 1799 to 1886. His brother Andrew, now living, 
is between ninety-five and ninety-six years old, and a sister also 
lived to a great age. Careful, regular living and a systematic 
avoidance of any excitement long preserved the Fryes in health 
of mind and body. Certainly the forbears of Calvin Frye had 
done their best to sheathe his nerves for the uneasy office to 
which he was to be called and chosen. 

Calvin and Lydia Frye first became interested in Christian 
Science through their sister-in-law, Mrs. Oscar Frye. Mrs. 
Clara Choate, a prominent healer in the Boston church, was 
called to treat the insane mother, whom the family believed 
was benefited by the treatments. Calvin took a course of in 
struction under Mrs. Eddy, after which both he and Lydia prac 
tised a little. After Calvin joined Mrs. Eddy in Boston, Lydia 


followed him, and for some time did Mrs. Eddy's housework. 
Returning ill to Lawrence, she underwent a severe surgical 
operation, and at last died in reduced circumstances at the 
home of a relative. Lydia was an ardent Christian Scientist, 
and almost until the day she died stoutly declared that she " did 
not believe in death." 

From the day Calvin Frye entered the service of Mrs. Eddy, 
he lived in literal accordance with the suggestion of that pas 
sage in Science and Health 8 where Mrs. Eddy reminds us that 
Jesus acknowledged no family ties and bade us call no man 
father. Mrs. Eddy demanded of her followers all that they 
had to give, and Mr. Frye, certainly, complied with her demand. 
When his father, Enoch Frye III., died, on April 22, 1886, 
four years after the son had entered Mrs. Eddy's service, 
Calvin went down to Lawrence to attend the funeral, but his 
precipitate haste indicated a short leave of absence. On the 
way to the cemetery he stopped the carriage and boarded a 
street-car bound for the railway-station, in order to catch the 
next train back to Boston. By the time his sister Lydia died, 
four years later, Calvin had become so completely absorbed in 
his new life and duties that he did not acknowledge the notifica 
tion of her death, did not go to her funeral, and did not respond 
to a request for a small amount of money to help defray the 
burial expenses. For him family ties no longer existed, and 
death had become merely a belief. 

8 Science and Health (1906), page 31. 





THE Massachusetts Metaphysical College, in Boston, was 
first at 569 Columbus Avenue, and later at 571, the house 
next-door. The houses, which are still standing, were then 
exactly alike, narrow three-and-a-half-story dwellings with gray 
stone fronts and slate roofs, a type of house very common in 
Boston. When Mrs. Eddy returned to the city in the fall of 
1882, attended by Mr. Bus well and Mr. Frye, she at once 
resumed her classes ; this, of course, meant that the college had 
reopened, for Mrs. Eddy was still the president and entire 
faculty. Half a dozen or more of her students now made their 
home in Mrs. Eddy's house, or, as they expressed it, " lived at 
the college." Among these were Calvin Frye, Arthur Buswell, 
Julia Bartlett, Hanover P. Smith, E. H. Hammond, and Mrs. 
Whiting. (Luther M. Marston and Mrs. Emma Hopkins came 
later.) They lived on a cooperative plan, each contributing 
his share toward the household expenses, while Mr. Frye did the 
marketing, engaged the servants, kept the accounts, and super 
intended the housekeeping. Mrs. Eddy fitted up an office on 
the first floor, where most of her resident students saw their 
patients. They observed a system of rotation, and each had 



his fixed office hours, so that the one room met the needs of 
several practitioners. These practitioners, in one way and 
another, helped to arouse an interest in Christian Science, and 
Mrs. Eddy's classes began to grow larger. Her teaching was 
not so much of a tax upon her strength as might be imagined, 
for the twelve lectures were, by this time, an old story to her 
and the same lecture was always given in practically the same 
language. The lectures dealt with but one idea, and progressed 
rather by figurative illustrations and repetitions than by the 
development of a line of reasoning. But her duties by no 
means ended with her lectures. She kept a sharp eye on the 
finances of the college and the household expenditures, more than 
once taking Mr. Frye to task for his mistakes in bookkeeping. 
Mrs. Eddy's correspondence was now very large, and she usually 
attended to it herself. She frequently occupied the pulpit at 
Hawthorne Hall on Sunday, and was constantly writing replies 
to attacks upon her church and college, besides press notices, 
which Mr. Buswell took about to the editors of the Boston 
papers in the hope of further advertising Mrs. Eddy and her 
work. What with preaching, teaching, writing, and editing, 
Mrs. Eddy had very little time for friendly personal in 
tercourse. She was, as her students used proudly to declare, 
in the saddle day and night. She went .out of the house but 
seldom; though she liked to take a daily drive when she had 
time for it. With her friends and resident students she never 
talked of anything but Christian Science and the business 
problems which confronted her. When other subjects were in 
troduced, she grew absent-minded. She read very little except 
the newspapers and the New York Ledger, which she had read 


since her young womanhood, and which she still read regularly 
every week. In earlier times Mrs. Eddy had been very fond 
of Mrs. Southworth's novels, but now she discouraged the read 
ing of fiction, and Science and Health was the only book she 
kept in her room. When she lectured before her classes, Mrs. 
Eddy usually had a vase of flowers upon the table at her side, 
and, to illustrate the non-existence of matter, she often ex 
plained that there were really no flowers there at all, and 
that the bouquet was merely a belief of mortal mind. She was 
fond of flowers in spite of the fact that she had always been 
totally without a sense of smell she used, indeed, to tell her 
students that the absence of a physical sense meant a gain in 

There was singularly little social intercourse among the stu 
dents who resided at the college. Mrs. Eddy was no idler, and 
she found plenty of work for all her assistants. Occasionally, 
in the evening, a fire was lighted in the parlour downstairs, and 
she joined her students for an hour or two; but this did not 
occur often. The two memorable festivities of the Christian 
Scientists in the early '80's were the reception which Mrs. 
Clara E. Choate gave for Mrs. Eddy upon the latter's return 
from a visit to Washington, April 5, 1882, and the picnic at 
Point of Pines, July 16, 1885, which commemorated the ninth 
anniversary of the founding of the Christian Science Associa 
tion, and was also Mrs. Eddy's sixty-fourth birthday. At this 
picnic E. H. Harris, a dentist, and a new protege of Mrs. 
Eddy's, gave a talk in which he mentioned the advantages of 
Christian Science in the practice of dentistry; Mrs. Augusta 
Stetson, who had recently come into the Association, and who 


had been a professional elocutionist before she became a Chris 
tian Scientist, recited two poems; and Mrs. Eddy gave a 
" spiritual interpretation " of the ocean. 

The atmosphere of Mrs. Eddy's house derived its peculiar 
character from her belief in malicious mesmerism, which exerted 
a sinister influence over every one under her roof. Her students 
could never get away from it. Morning, noon, and night the 
thing had to be reckoned with, and the very domestic arrange 
ments were ordered to elude or to combat the demoniacal power. 
If Mrs. Eddy had kept in her house a dangerous maniac or some 
horrible physical monstrosity which was always breaking from 
confinement and stealing about the chambers and hallways, it 
could scarcely have cast a more depressing anxiety over her 
household. Those of her students who believed in mesmerism 
were always on their guard with each other, filled with suspicion 
and distrust. Those who did not believe in it dared not admit 
their disbelief. If a member of that household denied the 
doctrine, or even showed a lack of interest in it, he was at once 
pronounced a mesmerist and requested to leave. 

Mr. Eddy's death had given malicious animal magnetism a 
new vogue. Mrs. Eddy was now always discovering in herself 
and her students symptoms of arsenical poison or of other bale 
ful drugs. Her nocturnal illnesses, which she had for years 
attributed to malicious mesmerism, were now more frequent and 
violent than ever. 

One of the principal duties of the resident students was to 
treat Mrs. Eddy for these attacks. These seizures usually 
came on about midnight. Mrs. Eddy would first call Mr. Frye, 
and he, after hurrying into his clothes, would go about the 


house, knocking at the doors of all the students, and calling 
to them to dress immediately and hurry down to Mrs. Eddy's 
room. After arousing the inmates of the house, he would hasten 
through the deserted streets, summoning one after another of 
the healers whom Mrs. Eddy considered most effective. When 
they arrived at the college, they would find a group of sleepy 
men standing in the hall outside Mrs. Eddy's door, talking in 
low tones. They were called, one by one, by Miss Bartlett or 
Mr. Frye, and admitted singly into Mrs. Eddy's chamber. 
Sometimes she lay in a comatose condition, and would remain 
thus for several hours, while each student, in his turn, sat 
beside the bed and silently treated her for about twenty min 
utes. He then left the room by another door than the one by 
which he had entered, and another student took his place. 
Again, the students would find Mrs. Eddy sitting up in bed, 
with a high colour, her hair in disorder, wringing her hands 
and uttering unintelligible phrases. On one occasion, when 
Mrs. Eddy was walking the floor with a raging toothache, meta 
physical treatment was abandoned, and several of her students 
rushed up and down Tremont Street after midnight, trying 
to persuade some dentist to leave his bed and come to her 

In animal magnetism Mrs. Eddy found a satisfactory ex 
planation for the seeming perversity of inanimate things. 
Mesmerism caused the water-pipes to freeze and the wash- 
boiler to leak. She was convinced that all the postal clerks and 
telegraph operators in Boston had been mesmerised, and on one 
occasion, when she was sending an important telegram to 
Chicago, she sent Luther M. Marston, one of her students, to 


West Newton to despatch it via Worcester, so that it need 
not go through Boston at all. 

When a contagion of influenza spread about Boston in the 
early '80's, a number of the students in Mrs. Eddy's class 
were affected by it. She paused one day in the midst of a 
lecture to say : " I notice that a number of you are sneezing 
and coughing, and the cause is perfectly apparent to me. 
Kennedy and Spofford are treating you for hashish. Just 
treat yourselves against hashish, and this will pass." 

Even the students under Mrs. Eddy's own roof were at times 
accused of resorting to malicious malpractice. On one occasion 
Mr. Buswell secured the Rev. Dr. Andrew P. Peabody of Cam 
bridge to preach before the Christian Science congregation at 
Hawthorne Hall. It was announced by Mrs. Eddy, before the 
students started for the service, that Mr. Frye was to introduce 
Dr. Peabody to the audience. When the minister ascended the 
rostrum, however, he was alone, and no one introduced him. 
After several days had passed, Mr. Frye knocked at Mr. Bus- 
well's door late one night, and told him that he was wanted in 
the parlour. Mr. Buswell rose, dressed, and went downstairs, 
where he found Mrs. Eddy and half a dozen resident students 
sitting about the room. Mr. Buswell sat down, and for a few 
minutes every one was silent. Then Mr. Frye rose and said, 
" Mr. Buswell, I charge you with having worked upon my 
mind last Sunday, so that I could not introduce the speaker." 
Mrs. Eddy listened while Mr. Buswell defended himself. Sev 
eral other students spoke, and then everybody went off to 

In the summer of 1884 Mrs. Eddy taught her first class 


in Chicago. She had now fallen out with Mrs. Clara Choate, 
and for several weeks before she went West Mrs. Eddy was in 
a state of great anxiety lest Mrs. Choate should " prostrate " 
her through mesmerism, as she believed that Mrs. Choate herself 
wished to go to Chicago to teach. Mr. Frye had bought tickets 
for Mrs. Eddy and himself when, on the very night before they 
were to start, she fell ill. Next day she was not able to leave 
the house, and many of her students were summoned to the 
college to treat against Mrs. Choate. 

This adverse treatment, now conducted with some system, 
was an important feature of the daily life at the college. A 
regular society was organised among Mrs. Eddy's most trusted 
students and was called the "P. M." (Private Meeting). 1 
This society met daily after breakfast in the morning and after 
supper at night, gathered in Mrs. Eddy's parlour, and " took 
up the enemy " in thought. Mrs. Eddy was not always present 
at these sittings, but she usually gave out the line of treatment. 
She would say, for example : " Treat Kennedy. Say to him : 
4 Your sins have found you out. You are affected as you 
wish to affect me. Your evil thought reacts upon you. You 
are bilious, you are consumptive, you have liver trouble, you 
have been poisoned by arsenic,' " etc. Mrs. Eddy further in 
structed her practitioners that, when they were treating their 
patients, they should first take up and combat the common 
enemy, mesmerism, before they took up the patient's error. 
The adverse treatments given by the students at the college 
were usually conducted in perfect silence, and the participants 

1 The sessions of this secret society later caused a good deal of discussion and 
criticism. In the Christian Science Journal of September, 1888, Mrs. Eddy ad 
mits that she " did organise a secret society known as the P. M.," but that its 
workings were not " shocking or terrible." 


sat with their eyes closed. 2 Miss Bartlett, a very devout 
woman, as she sat in this silent circle, absorbed in her task, 
her eyes closed, her head bowed, had a habit of idly passing 
a side-comb again and again through her hair. Mrs. Eddy, 
who, when she was there, always kept an eye on the circle, 
on one of these occasions suddenly broke the stillness by a sar 
castic remark to the effect that better work would be done 
if less time were spent in hair-combing and more in combating 
error. Miss Bartlett blushed as if she had been caught com 
mitting a mortal sin. 

But Mrs. Eddy's policy of sharp rebuke proved to be a wise 
one. On the whole her students liked it, and on the whole they 
needed it. Her business assistants and practitioners were, most 
of them, young men whose years had need of direction. In 
the nature of the case, they were generally young men without 
a strong purpose and without very definite aims and ambitions. 
Whether it was that Mrs. Eddy did not want men of determina 
tion about her, or whether such men were not drawn to her and 
her college, the fact remains that most of the men then in her 
service were of the eminently biddable sort. Some of them, 
before they came into Christian Science, had tried other voca 
tions and had not been successful. Mrs. Eddy drew young 
men of this type about her, not only because she could offer them 
a good living, but because she was able to give them an im 
petus, to charge them with energy and endow them with a cer 
tain effectiveness which they did not have of themselves. Loyal 
Christian Scientists point to this or that man who once worked 

2 Calvin Frye, Arthur Buswell, Hanover P. Smith, Luther M. Marston, B. H. 
Hammond, Mrs. Whiting, and Miss Julia Bartlett were at various times mem 
bers of this circle. 


under Mrs. Eddy and who afterward broke with her, explaining 
that he was more successful and useful under her than he has 
ever been since he went over to the enemy. In some instances 
this is true. Many of her students never worked so well after 
they withdrew from her compelling leadership, and their contact 
with her remained the most vivid and important event in their 
lives. Out of her abundant energy and determination Mrs. 
Eddy has been able to nerve many a weak arm anjd to steel many 
an irresolute will, and she has done much of her work with tools 
which were temporarily given hardness and edge by the driving 
personality behind them. 

As the college grew and her classes increased in size, Mrs. 
Eddy exacted, and for the most part obtained, the same absolute 
obedience which she had demanded of the faithful in Lynn. 
She had a custom of sending telegrams to students who had 
left Boston, summoning them to report at the college imme 
diately, and giving no explanation of the order. When they 
arrived there, they sometimes found that she had merely been 
experimenting to see how quickly they could reach her in case 
of need. If they were prompt in this sort of drill, she seemed 
pleased and reassured. On the Fourth of July, especially, 
she demanded that all her students be subject to call, and 
that none of the resident students leave Boston on that day. 
She explained that on the Fourth " mortal mind was in ebulli 
tion," and she feared animal magnetism more then than at any 
other time. 

In 1883 Mrs. Eddy brought an action against Edward J. 
Arens for infringement of her copyright upon Science and 
Health, and won the suit. Arens was forbidden to circulate 


his book, to which there has already been a reference in 
Chapter XV, and the copies which he had on hand were 
ordered by the court to be destroyed. Mr. Arens' defence was 
that Science and Health was not Mrs. Eddy's own work, but 
that it had been taken largely from P. P. Quimby's manuscripts. 
As none of Mr. Quimby's manuscripts had been published or 
copyrighted, and as Mr. Arens did not have them in his 
possession, the defendant's position was obviously untenable. 
Although this decision had to do merely with the validity of 
Mrs. Eddy's copyright, and did not touch upon the authorship 
of the book, Mrs. Eddy chose to construe it as being a court 
decision to the effect that she was the sole author of Science 
and Health, and the founder and discoverer of Christian Sci 
ence; and her construction cheered and encouraged her quite 
as much, perhaps, as an actual decision to that effect would 
have done. She afterward referred to this decision as her 
" vindication in the United States court." 

The years from 1882 to 1885 were years of rapid advance 
ment for Mrs. Eddy and Christian Science. Although a list of 
the members of the Christian Scientists' Association, made June 
2, 1884, shows that but sixty-one persons then belonged to the 
Association, many people were interested in Christian Science 
who had not actually allied themselves with it, and Mrs. Eddy 
was steadily gaining some sort of recognition for herself and 
her teachings. She had now a considerable number of graduate 
students who were in practice, and their success, as well as hers, 
depended upon the growth of Christian Science and of the 
college. They sent their patients to study under her, and 
canvassed widely among their friends and acquaintances. Some 


of these students went to distant places to practise, and did 
the work of missionaries, encouraging their patients to go to 
Boston and study under Mrs. Eddy. A degree from the Mas 
sachusetts Metaphysical College meant, in most cases, a lucra 
tive practice. In the West especially, where Boston is regarded 
as the sum of all that is conservative, and where even the banks 
consider it an advantage to have a Bostonian among their 
directors, a degree from a Boston institution meant a great 
deal, and the " Massachusetts Metaphysical College of Boston " 
suggested an institution devoted to higher scholarship. A 
combination of Boston and metaphysics seemed to leave little 
to be desired in the way of learning, and many a Western stu 
dent, after having " gone East to college," returned home to 
find that, for the purpose of making a living and commanding 
respect among his neighbours, a degree from the Massachusetts 
Metaphysical College served him quite as well as a degree from 
Harvard. Graduate students had lectured and practised in 
Chicago, and when Mrs. Eddy taught a class there in the sum 
mer of 1884, she inspired a sentiment which was ultimately to 
build up a strong church. 

The Christian Science Church was now conspicuous enough 
to be the object of occasional attacks from conservative theo 
logians. These attacks were neither frequent nor bitter, 
indeed, they were usually humorous or mildly ironical, but 
Mrs. Eddy made the most of them, and answered them with 
promptness and fire, getting her replies published in the Boston 
newspapers whenever it was possible to do so, and, when editors 
proved intractable, resorting to her own periodical, the Chris 
tian Science Journal. She realised the value of persecution, 



even when it had to be helped along a little, and in the Journal 
for April, 1885, she cries : " Must history repeat itself, and 
religious intolerance, arrayed against the rights of man, again 
deluge the earth in blood? " In the Journal we find that in 
March of the same year, Mrs. Eddy was permitted to speak 
at a religious meeting held at Tremont Temple, and there to 
reply to a letter by the Rev. A. J. Gordon denouncing Christian 
Science, and that she gloriously vindicated her church. 

Mrs. Eddy was now president of the " Massachusetts Meta 
physical College," editor of the Christian Science Journal, 
president of the Christian Scientists' Association, and pastor 
of the First Church of Christ (Scientist). To the latter office 
her students had ordained her, without the aid of the clergy, 
in 1881, and her official letters and press communications were 
now usually signed " Reverend Mary Baker G. Eddy." Her 
classes now numbered from fifteen to twenty-five students each. 
The course of instruction took only three weeks, which, with a 
class of twenty-five, would mean that Mrs. Eddy's fees for 
that period of time amounted to $7,500. It is safe to say, 
however, that at least one-fourth of her students were admitted 
at a discount and paid only $200 each. Men and women of 
intelligence and some experience of the world began to frequent 
her college. Among these were Dr. J. W. Winkley, then a 
Unitarian minister, who had a church at Revere; Mrs. Emma 
Hopkins, Mrs. Ursula Gestefeld of Chicago; Mrs. Augusta 
Stetson, then an elocutionist in Somerville, Boston ; Mrs. Ellen 
Brown Linscott ; Mrs. Josephine Woodbury and her husband ; 
the Rev. J. H. Wiggin, and the Rev. Frank E. Mason. 

To understand the early growth of Christian Science in Bos- 


ton, one must remember, first, that Boston was then, as it is 
now, the stronghold of radical religious sects ; secondly, that, 
while fundamentally Mrs. Eddy never changed at all, superfi 
cially, she was continually changing for the better, and her 
shrewdness, astuteness, and tact grew with every year of her life. 
After her removal to Boston, she constantly learned from her 
new associates, even to the extent of resolutely breaking herself 
of certain ungrammatical habits of speech no mean achievement 
for a woman above sixty. But the most important thing that 
Mrs. Eddy learned was to admit to herself only her own 
limitations. She began to submit her editorials, pamphlets, 
and press communications to certain of her students for gram 
matical censorship. She now granted interviews to strangers 
and new students only when she felt at her best. She withdrew 
herself from her followers somewhat, and built up a ceremonial 
barrier which was not without its effect. In writing, she 
acquired more and more facility as time went on. Her style 
of expression remained vague, but that suited her purpose, and 
her excessive floridity delighted many of her readers, and was 
condoned by others as a survival of the old-fashioned flowery 
manner of writing. Her letters of this date are better spelled 
and punctuated, and are written in a firmer and more vigorous 
hand, than those written when she was forty. 

Mrs. Eddy now began to limit the number of her public 
addresses, and she delivered her Sunday sermon before her 
congregation at the Hawthorne rooms only when she felt that 
she could rouse herself to that state of emotional exaltation 
which it was her aim to produce in her hearers. Often as late 
as Sunday morning, she would notify one of her students to 


fill the pulpit. At other times, after she had appointed a 
substitute, she would decide at the last minute to go herself, and, 
after the audience at Hawthorne Hall had been waiting for 
perhaps half an hour, Mrs. Eddy's carriage would swing into 
Park Street, and she would alight amid a crowd of delighted 
students, sweep rapidly up the aisle, ascend the rostrum, and 
at once begin to deliver one of her most effective sermons ; 
perhaps a discussion of how, in His resurrection, Christ made 
the highest demonstration of the healing powers of Christian 
Science, or perhaps a prophetic discourse upon a text of which 
she was particularly fond, and which she always delivered with 
astonishing conviction : " Upon this rock I will build my church, 
and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it." 





WHEN Mrs. Eddy reopened the Massachusetts Metaphysical 
College after her husband's death in 1882 and, with half a 
dozen of her students, settled down to her old routine of teach 
ing, she soon began to plan for a monthly publication which 
should be devoted to the interests of Christian Science. Quite 
as willing to contribute to the Boston dailies as she had been 
to enliven with prose and verse the columns of the more modest 
weeklies of Lynn, Mrs. Eddy wrote a great many press notices 
regarding her church and college, and it was Arthur Buswell's 
business to take these about to the various newspaper offices 
and attempt to place them. Editors, however, were often 
prejudiced by Mrs. Eddy's involved style and extravagant 
claims, and their unwillingness to print many of her contribu 
tions suggested to Mr. Buswell and Mrs. Eddy the convenience 
of having a periodical of their own. 

On April 14, 1883, the Journal of Christian Science, a small 
eight-page monthly, made its appearance, bearing the name 
of Mary B. Glover Eddy as editor. The new magazine opened 
with a " prospectus " which began as follows : " The ancient 
Greek looked longingly for the Olympiad. The Chaldee 



watched for the appearing of a star ; to him, no higher destiny 
dawned upon the dome of being than that foreshadowed by 
the signs in the heavens." Whether Mrs. Eddy meant to 
imply that so the modern world waited for Christian Science, 
the reader must conjecture, for she does not say so, nor does 
she say anything about the purpose or policy of her journal. 
The only sentence in the prospectus which could be construed 
as having anything to do with her magazine is the following, 
which would seem to indicate her intended policy as editor, 
though this is not very clear: 

While we entertain decided views as to the best method for elevating 
the race physically, morally, and spiritually, and shall express these views 
as duty demands, we shall claim no especial gifts from our divine origin, 
or any supernatural power, etc. 

The founding of the Journal was perhaps the most im 
portant step Mrs. Eddy had taken since she came to Boston, 
as it afterward proved one of the most effective means of 
extending her influence and widening the boundaries of Chris 
tian Science. In the beginning the magazine had but a handful 
of subscribers, and the cost of printing it was not more than 
thirty or forty dollars an issue. This sum was raised by vol 
untary subscription, nearly all the Christian Scientists con 
tributing money except Mrs. Eddy. 

Although her subscription-list was small, Mrs. Eddy knew 
what to do with her Journal. Copies found their way to remote 
villages in Missouri and Arkansas, to lonely places in Nebraska 
and Colorado, where people had much time for reflection, little 
excitement, and a great need to believe in miracles. The meta 
phor of the bread cast upon the waters is no adequate sugges- 


tion of the result. Mrs. Eddy and Christian Science began 
to be talked of far away in the mountains and in the prairie 
villages. Lonely and discouraged people brooded over these 
editorials which promised happiness to sorrow and success to 
failure. The desperately ill had no quarrel with the artificial 
rhetoric of these testimonials in which people declared that they 
had been snatched from the brink of the grave. 

Soon after the Journal was started, Mrs. Emma Hopkins, 
an intelligent and sincere young woman, came to Boston to 
assume the assistant editorship of the magazine. Mrs. Hop 
kins had first met Mrs. Eddy at the house of one of her friends, 
where Mrs. Eddy had been engaged to give a parlour lecture 
on Christian Science. Mrs. Hopkins became deeply interested 
in this new doctrine, and, although after her first meeting with 
Mrs. Eddy she carried away an unfavourable impression, she 
soon fell completely under the spell of that remarkable per 
sonality; thought her handsome, stimulating, inspiring, and 
very different from any woman she had ever known. She en 
tered one of Mrs. Eddy's classes and went through the same 
experience that sensitive students of an earlier date describe; 
during the lectures she felt uplifted and carried beyond herself ; 
and in describing the effect of Mrs. Eddy's words upon her 
hearers, Mrs. Hopkins uses the same figure that we have heard 
before in Lynn that of the wind stirring the wheat-field. 
When Mrs. Hopkins became assistant editor of the Journal, 
she went to live in Mrs. Eddy's house in Columbus Avenue, 
where the editorial work was done. She remained there for 
two years, until, worn out by Mrs. Eddy's tyranny and selfish 
ness, and saddened by her own disillusionment, Mrs. Hopkins 


left the house and never communicated with Mrs. Eddy again. 
Mrs. Eddy afterward attacked her savagely in the Journal, 
and applied to her the old terms of opprobrium. 

In the fall of 1885 Mrs. Sarah H. Crosse succeeded Mrs. 
Hopkins as assistant editor of the Journal, and she, in turn, 
was succeeded by Frank Mason, who became both editor and 
publisher about the end of 1888. 

In its early years the Journal of Christian Science was almost 
as much Mrs. Eddy as was the Massachusetts Metaphysical 
College. At sixty-two Mrs. Eddy fell to playing editor with 
the same zest with which she had entered upon the activities 
of her church and college. She wrote much of the Journal 
herself, and what she did not originate she selected and largely 
rewrote, keeping a sharp eye on the articles and editorials 
written by her assistants and revising them very thoroughly. 
She was especially solicitous about the articles which dealt 
with herself, and she was almost equally anxious that the 
articles should deal with little else. The Journal of Christian 
Science was then scarcely more than the monthly gazette of 
Mrs. Eddy's doings the diary which chronicled her thoughts 
and activities, and which minutely recorded the tributes of her 
courtiers. She no longer had to get out a new edition of 
Science and Health to give vent to her feelings about a newly 
discovered mesmerist. Once a month she audited her accounts, 
and the Journal was her clearing-house. Through its columns 
the new favourite was exalted and the old relegated to his 
place among the mesmerised. In one column we find, in large 
type, a card of thanks for a twenty-one-pound turkey which 
some one had sent for Mrs. Eddy's New Year's dinner; in 


another a tirade upon animal magnetism ; and in still another 
the following acknowledgment of Christmas gifts: 

From Bradford Sherman, C. S., and his wife Mrs. Mattie Sherman, C. S., 
of Chicago, Wild Flowers of Colorado, a large elegantly bound and 
embellished book, containing twenty-two paintings of the gorgeous flowers 
of the Occident. 

From Mrs. Hannah A. Larminie, C. S., of Chicago, a book with a 
sweet, illustrated poem, and a very elegant pocket-handkerchief. 

From Mrs. Mattie Williams, C. S., a large, fine photograph of her 
beautiful home in Columbus, Wisconsin. On the piazaa are herself and 
husband; on the grounds in front, her children with their bicycles. 


This annual acknowledgment of Mrs. Eddy's Christmas gifts 
in the Journal grew more formidable as the years went by. 
In 1889 Mrs. Eddy listed her presents as follows: 


Eider-down pillow, white satin with gold embroidery. Eider-down pillow, 
blue silk, hand-painted, and fringed with lace. Pastel painting of Minne- 
haha Falls, with silvered easel. Silver nut-pick set. Painted Sevres China 
tea-set. Book, Beautiful Story, 576 pages, with steel engravings and 
lithographs. The Dore Bible Gallery, embellished. Brussels-lace tie. Silken 
sofa-scarf, inwrought with gold. Pansy bed, in water-colours, with bronze 
frame. Stand for lemonade-set. Silver combination-set. Silk and lace 
mat. Embroidered linen handkerchief, in silken sachet-holder. Chinese 
jar. Silk-embroidered plush table-scarf. Connected reclining-pillows. Work 
of art, White and Franconia Mountains. Transparent painting of Jacque 
minots. Satin and lace pin-cushion. Barometer. Cabinet photograph- 
holder. Perfumery. Large variety of books and poems. Face of the 
Madonna, framed in oak and ivory. Moon-mirror, with silver setting, and 
" the Man in the Moon." Hand-painted blotter. Embroidered linen hand 
kerchiefs. Blue silk-embroidered shawl. Plush portemonnaie. Openwork 
linen handkerchief. Charm slumber-robe. Bible Pearls of Promise. Large 
white silk banner with silver fringe. Sachet bags. Two velvet table mats. 
Silver holder for stereoscopic views. Two fat Kentucky turkeys. Hosts 
of bouquets and Christmas cards. 

The following year, 1890, her publisher, Mr. William G. 

1 Christian Science Journal, January, 1886. 


Nixon, tried to persuade Mrs. Eddy to omit a detailed list 
of her Christmas offerings, and she wrote him: 

I requested you through Mr. Frye to reinstate my notice of my Christmas 
gifts, for the reasons I herein name. 

Students are constantly telling me how they felt the mental impression 
this year to make me no present, and when they overcame it were strength 
ened and blessed. For this reason viz., to discourage mental malpractice 
and to encourage those who beat it I want that notice published. 

Many of Mrs. Eddy's contributions to the Journal have 
been collected and reprinted in the volume known as Miscel 
laneous Writings. While even in the very latest edition of 
Science and Health the flavour of Mrs. Eddy lingers on every 
page, like a dominating strain of blood that cannot be bred out, 
the book has been rearranged and retouched by so many hands 
that the personal element has been greatly moderated. In 
the old files of the Journal, however, we seem to get Mrs. Eddy 
with singular directness and to come into very intimate contact 
with her. When she is angry one can fairly hear the voice 
behind the type, and when she bestows royal favours one can 
see the smile at the other end of the copy. These contributions 
were usually written in precipitate haste, and reached the de 
spairing printer at the last possible moment, almost unin 
telligible, full of inaccuracies and errors, and, except for an 
occasional period, innocent of all punctuation. The copy- 
reader or assistant editor did what he could at editing it as 
he fed it to the compositors and the point is that he did not 
do too much. In the columns of the Journal one gets Mrs. 
Eddy's pages hot from her hand, as if they had not been 
touched since the copyboy dashed with them out of the door of 
571 Columbus Avenue. In her editorial function she is more 


at ease than in her more strictly sacerdotal one, and in her 
contributions to her paper she sounds all the stops of her in 
strument. As she says, she " commands and countermands " 
and " thunders to the sinner," but for happier occasions she 
has a lighter tone, and she is by turns peppery and playful. 
A student in Chicago offends, and Mrs. Eddy calls her a "suck 
ling " and a " petty western editress." Her students send 
her a watch at Christmastide, and she thanks, them for their 
" timely " gift. They give her a fish-pond, and she asks them 
to pond-er. 

During the early years Mrs. Eddy opened each number of 
the Journal with a crashing editorial, and, in addition to this, 
she conducted, under her own name, a " Questions and Answers " 
column, in which she met and settled queries like the following: 

Has Mrs. Eddy lost her power to heal? 

Has the sun forgotten to shine and the planets to revolve around it? 
Who was it discovered, demonstrated and teaches Christian Science? etc. 

Mrs. Eddy did not hesitate to answer personal criticism and 
to reply to gossip in the columns of her paper. On one occa 
sion she replies to the old story, which was forever cropping 
up in Lynn, that she was addicted to the use of morphine. 
She says that when a mesmerist was attempting to poison her, 
she did take large doses of morphine to see whether she were 
still susceptible to poison. " Years ago, when the mental mal 
practice of poison was undertaken by a mesmerist, to thwart 
that design, I experimented by taking some large doses of 
morphine to watch the effect, and I say it with tearful thanks, 
the drug had no effect upon me whatever, the hour had struck, 
* if they drink any deadly thing, it shall not hurt them.' " 2 
3 Christian Science Journal, April, 1885. 


Several years later the Journal takes up some petty criti 
cism which had been made regarding Mrs. Eddy's dress: 

Such views of Christian Science are well illustrated in a little incident 
that happened to the author of Science and Health a year or two ago, 
when she was the active pastor of the Scientist church in Boston. She 
had a custom of answering from the platform, questions that were 
passed up in writing. On one occasion she found this inquiry, " How can 
a Christian Scientist afford to wear diamonds and be clad in purple 
velvet?" She stepped forward and answered, "This ring that I wear 
was given me several years ago as a thank-offering from one I had brought 
from death back to life; for a long time I could not wear it, but my 
husband induced me to accustom myself by putting it on in the night, and 
finally I came to see it only as a sign of recognition and gratitude of my 
master, and to love it as such ; this purple velvet is ' purple,' but it is 
velveteen that I paid one dollar and fifty cents for, and I have worn it 
for several years, but it seems to be perpetually renewed, like the widow's 
cruse." * 

But the discussion of Mrs. Eddy and her affairs did not 
end with her signed contributions. During the first five years 
of the magazine's existence Mrs. Eddy was the theme of almost 
every article, testimonial, and letter. There are poems to the 
" bold innovator in the realms of thought," and scattered here 
and there are miscellaneous extracts of which the following, 
signed " Lily of Israel," will illustrate the drift and character : 


She existed from the beginning before all ages, and will not cease 
to exist throughout all ages; it is she who shall create in Heaven a light 
which shall never be extinguished; she shall rise in the midst of her 
people, and she shall be blessed over all those who are blessed by God, 
for she shall open the doors of the East, and the Desired of Nations shall 
appear. 4 

The " Healing Department " of the Journal, which held a 
prominent place and was perhaps the strongest element in its 

8 Christian Science Journal, February, 1889, 
4 Christian Science Journal, May, 1885. 


success, reports at length the alleged cures made by the prac 
tising healers and, in many instances, by the mere reading of 
Science and Health. While this department was of great value 
in giving publicity to the claims of Christian Science its recital 
of the details of illness and suffering make painful reading and 
seem rather too intimately personal for quotation. A few of 
the headings will indicate the nature of these communications: 
" Liver Complaint of Long Standing Cured by flalf an Hour's 
Talk " ; " Cancer on the Face, Badly Broken Out, Cured in 
One Week " ; " Heart Trouble and Dropsy, with Great Swelling 
of the Limbs, of Thirty Years' Standing, Cured in Two Treat 
ments " ; " Bright's Disease and also Scrofulous Bunches on 
the Neck Cured in Three Weeks " ; " Woman Had Twenty-nine 
Surgical Operations " ; " Had Seventeen Physicians " ; " Cancer 
and Lockjaw"; "Cured of Both Paralysis and Mormonism." 
One amusing report states that " a girl nineteen years old 
who was dumb and had never spoken, commenced talking after 
her third treatment as if she was thinking aloud, and has talked 
ever since." Among these notes on healing, the following, from 
the Journal of October, 1887, deserves mention: 


DEAR JOURNAL: Our dog was bitten by a rattlesnake on the tongue 
a short time ago, and the verdict, as is usual in such cases, was death; 
but through the understanding of God's promise that we shall handle 
serpents and not be harmed, if we but believe, I was able to demonstrate 
over the belief in four days. The dog is now as well as ever. 


In the Journal of April, 1885, occurs an interesting para 
graph regarding General Grant (then in his last illness), which 
asserts that his physicians " are hastening him toward the 


manifestations of the death symptoms they hold so definitely 
in mind, with all the formulating speed they are capable of." 
From 1883 to 1887 the Journal devotes considerable space 
to mesmerism, although some of Mrs. Eddy's students besought 
her to place less emphasis upon this doctrine. In the Journal 
of October, 1885, she rebukes such conservative followers 
sharply : 

In my public works I lay bare the capacity, in belief, of animal magnet 
ism, to break the Decalogue, to murder, steal, commit adultery, etc. 

Those who deny my right or wisdom to expose its crimes, are either 
participants in this evil, afraid of its supposed power or ignorant of it. 
Those accusing me of covering this iniquity, are zealous, who, like Peter, 
sleep when the Teacher bids them watch; and when the hour of trial comes 
would cut off somebody's ears. 

In 1887 a department devoted to Malicious Animal Magnet 
ism becomes one of the regular features of the Journal, and 
continues for some years. At the head of this department 
regularly occurs the following quotation from Nehemiah : "Also 
they have dominion over our bodies, and over our cattle, at their 
pleasure, and we are in great distress" In this department 
persons who believe that they have been injured in their business 
or tormented in body and soul by mesmerists recount their 
symptoms and struggles. One woman is tortured by a hatred 
and distrust of Mrs. Eddy (it was by producing a distrust of 
Mrs. Eddy that the mesmerists most frequently harried their 
victims), and she suffers under this " belief " until she is treated 
for it and cured by a fellow-Scientist. Another is tormented 
by a desire to write, and the tempter whispers to her that she 
" can write as good a book as Mrs. Eddy's." Mrs. Carrie 
Snider, a prominent worker in the New York church, writes 


at a length of five pages to describe how malicious mesmerism 
killed her husband, Fremont Snider. He was, she says, under 
the treatment of two healers whose minds were not in accord, 
and the thought from one confused the thought from the other, 
leaving him to die in the cross-fire. She was confident that if 
he had left the treatment of his case with her, he would have 
recovered. Even after a physician had pronounced him dead 
and had sent for the coroner, Mrs. Snider treated her husband, 
with some success, she says, adding that if she had had help 
she could even then have saved him. 5 

The history of the growth of the belief in malicious mesmerism, 
as one may follow it in the early files of the Journal, is interest 
ing and illuminating. Here one sees how this doctrine, which 
was so singularly a temperamental product, born of a personal 
hatred and developed to meet personal needs and to explain 
personal caprices, begins to control the conduct and affections 
of people whose natures and obligations were very different 
from Mrs. Eddy's. So long as the belief in demonology was 
a mere personal vagary of Mrs. Eddy's, explaining her quarrels, 
affecting her spoons and pillows and telegrams, it was as harm 
less as it was amusing. But as one reads the letters from per 
sons who ascribe the estrangement of friends and even the death 
of children to the ill-will of their neighbours and fellow-towns 
men, one begins to feel the serious side of this doctrine. The 
reader must possess very great hardihood indeed if he can 
follow without sympathy one letter from Pierre, Dak., which 
recounts the story of the death of two young children under 
the treatment of their zealous mother. 

5 Fremont D. Snider died of heart-disease, December 17, 1888. 


The mother was the wife of a banker in Pierre, a woman of 
unusual force of character, who had been liberally educated in 
Germany. Her husband was a young man of energy and 
promise, and they were both extravagantly fond of their chil 
dren. The wife took a course of lessons under a Christian 
Science practitioner in Des Moines, la., and returned to her 
home in Dakota a devout convert. One of her children, a little 
boy four years old, fell ill; she treated him without the aid of 
a physician, and he died. Some months later a second child, 
a baby eleven months old, began to pine. She believed that 
he was the victim of malicious animal magnetism, exercised 
by the members of the Methodist Church which she had left 
after becoming a Christian Scientist. She even believed that 
the Methodists were praying for the child's death, and fled to 
Des Moines with the baby, where he grew better; but when she 
returned home he became worse again. The father was then 
in New York on business, and the mother, on her own responsi 
bility, undertook the case, telegraphing to E. J. Foster Eddy, 
Mrs. Eddy's adopted son, for absent treatment for the child. 
For ten days the misguided woman watched over her baby and 
treated him against malicious mesmerism, which she believed 
brought on the spasms and convulsions. She did not notify 
her husband that the baby was dangerously ill until she tele 
graphed word of its death, nine hours after death occurred; 
and for those nine hours after the child had ceased to breathe 
she treated and prayed over him, not permitting herself to 
shed a tear or to " entertain the thought of death," confidently 
expecting that his eyes would open again. This experience 
and the subsequent indignation of the townspeople seem to have 


been too much for a friend and fellow-citizen who was there 
visiting at the house, and who assisted in treating the child, 
for she writes Mrs. Eddy an imploring letter, asking, " Why 
this termination?" and declaring: "We recognised no disease, 
and as first symptoms would appear beliefs of paralysis, 
spasms, fever, etc. we would realise the allness of God, and 
they would disappear." But the letter itself must be given in 
full. Its account of the sufferings of the baby and the terrible 
fortitude of the mother sound like a passage from the earlier 
and harsher chapters of religious history, which so often make 
us wonder whether there is anything else in the world that can 
be quite so cruel as the service of an ideal. 

PIERRE, DAKOTA, Jan. 31, 1889. 

Last September Mrs. N * took a course of lectures in Science in Des 

Moines, and returned to her home here, and was the instrument of great 
good. Many were healed physically who sought also the spiritual benefits. 

Instead of working for the church, of which she had been a consistent 
and active member, she gave all her time to Science. This stirred up the 
error in the minds of the brothers and sisters, and caused the fiery 
darts to be mentally hurled at her and they seemingly penetrated her 
weakest point, her darling baby, eleven months old, who seemed in December 
to be sinking under the blows. As Herod was seeking the young child's 
life they thought it best to flee for a time from this mental atmosphere, 

and went to Des Moines where he grew better. Mr. N being obliged 

to go to New York, and Mrs. N hearing that mortal mind had got 

hold of some of her patients determined to return to Pierre to look 
after their spiritual welfare. 

I returned with her, and almost all our time has been spent in reading 
the Bible and " Science and Health " to those who were interested. Min 
isters called upon us and denounced Science in the strongest terms; and 
one Sunday every minister in the place preached against it, not knowing 
they could " do nothing against the Truth." We continued working quietly 
and speaking only to those who came to see us. 

8 The name Is withheld In consideration for the family most Intimately con 
cerned In this case. The Interested reader, however, may refer to the flies of 
the Christian Science Journal, March, 1889, pages 637-639, where this letter 
was originally printed and where the full name Is used. 


Finally little Edward seemingly succumbed to an attack, while we were 
holding a meeting in the parlour. To all appearance he was gone, but 
we knew it was animal magnetism, and treating him for it he revived. 
We wrestled till daybreak and though there was little seeming improvement, 
we realised that " God's will is done " and felt that the baby was healed. 

During the ten days that followed, the wiles of the evil one appeared, 

but they were overcome. Mrs. N telegraphed Dr. Foster Eddy for 

help, and felt that help came. The telegraph operator here, not knowing 
the influence of mortal mind, divulged the telegram, and this made the 
battle harder. Again we telegraphed for help and again the cry went out 
" They've sent for help." At least six times little Edward seemed to have 
passed. We recognised it as another temptation, took up animal magnetism 
and each time he rallied. Finally about 5:30 A.M. of Friday, Jan. 25th, 

he passed on. I took him on my lap. Mrs. N and I realised it must 

be the last temptation, hence the greatest. We had no fear and did not 
admit he had passed on for several hours. We kept reading the promises 
" according to thy faith," etc., and did not call an undertaker until evening. 

When Mrs. N 's little Philip passed on a few months ago her faith 

alone should have raised him. But this time her faith was coupled with 
understanding and did not waver for a moment. Why this termination? 
I wish we could have some light on the subject. 

We recognised no disease, and as first symptoms would appear beliefs 
of paralysis, spasms, fever, etc. we would realise the allness of God, 
and they would disappear. It was a clear case of ignorant and malicious 
magnetism. Why was it not mastered? 

We are told that some church members have been praying that " God 
would take the child " in order that the parents might see the error of 
their way, and return not to God, but to the M. E. followers. Now 
comes an unprecedented history. Saturday morning a great tumult arose. 
The M. E. minister gathered a crowd around him on the street and 
denounced this pernicious doctrine, till the people were infuriated, and 
threatened mob law. A meeting was called at the public hall. The 
conservative element succeeded, notwithstanding the excitement, in getting 
a respectful committee appointed, and an order was served on myself 
and another Scientist to meet this committee at the Court House at 4 P.M. 

Mrs. N accompanied us and on the way we met the coroner, sheriff, 

jury and two " Medicine men " who came to demand an inquest. All 
returned with us to the house. The questions and the manner of the 
M.D.'s were insulting in the extreme. Our answers were mostly from the 

All admitted the unblemished reputation of Mr. and Mrs. N , that 

Mrs. N was a faithful, loving mother; but they could not tolerate 

such a religious conviction. Then we all went to the Court House and a 


committee told us that the sentiment of the community was (as in Acts 
xiii. 50) that we leave town. 

I said to the committee that I came to visit Mrs. N and not pro 
fessionally; that she was in trouble and there was no power to drive me 

In the same number of the Journal is printed an extract 
from a letter written by the mother herself, in which she main 
tains that the baby's illness was not of a bodily nature, but was 
clearly the effect of animal magnetism working directly upon 
the brain: 

Little Edward slept and ate well as a rule. He had no bowel affection, 
as the papers have stated. All the attacks were in belief, in form of 
brain trouble, and plainly from animal magnetism; the prayers of church 
members and the whole thought of the place being expressed in the hope 

that " God would remove the N s' child, so that they might come back 

into the church." At two o'clock on the day that he passed, I sent for 

Mr. N [the father], and in the evening of the same day I called the 

undertaker. We buried the little boy ourselves, quietly, without any 
minister present, being accompanied by a number who believe in Christian 
Science because it has healed them. 

Our trials have been severe, but we work to stand fast. We are 
determined to demonstrate the nothingness of this seeming power. 

This case is chosen for illustration for the reason that the 
parents of these children were not ignorant or colourless people ; 
they were not mystics or dreamers or in any way " different." 
They were young, ambitious, warm-hearted, and affectionate; 
they loved each other and their children, and their home was 
full of cordiality and kindliness. Their children were fine chil 
dren ; one, now grown, has become a young scholar of promise. 
The woman was not a religious fanatic, but a young mother. 
She could combat " the last temptation " over her dead baby 
simply because she believed with all her heart and soul that it 
lay with her, as a test of her faith, whether her child lived 


or died. Logically there was nothing extravagant about her 
conduct. The martyrdoms of a thousand years have proved 
what men and women can do and endure under the tyranny 
of an idea. 

Whoever studies the old files of the Journal from 1883 to 
1887 must note the rapid growth of Mrs. Eddy's sect during 
those years. In the first number of the Journal, April, 1883, 
appear the professional cards of fourteen authorised healers ; 
in April, 1885, forty-three professional healers advertise in 
this way ; and in the Journal of April, 1887, are the cards of 
one hundred and ten Christian Science practitioners. In 1887 
nineteen Christian Science " institutes " and " academies " are 
advertised. The graduates of these schools usually went at 
once into practice, although sometimes they first went to Boston 
to take the normal course in Mrs. Eddy's college. These pre 
paratory schools were located in various cities in California, 
Nebraska, Colorado, Wisconsin, Ohio, Massachusetts, and New 
York. In 1886 the National Christian Scientists' Association 
was formed with representatives from almost every State in the 
Union, which will be discussed in a later chapter. 

In the Journal of 1887 and 1888 one notices certain articles 
and editorials signed J. H. W., or Phare Pleigh, the initials and 
pen-name of the Rev. James Henry Wiggin, who, in 1885, 
became Mrs. Eddy's literary adviser. Mr. Wiggin was gradu 
ated from the Meadville Theological Seminary in 1861, and 
became a Unitarian minister. In 1875 he retired from the 
active ministry and devoted himself to writing and editing. 
An old friend of John Wilson, of the University Press, Mr. 
Wiggin found plenty to do in proof-reading, revising, and 


editing manuscripts, in annotating and making indices to theo 
logical and scholarly works. 

One day in August, 1885, Calvin Frye called at Mr. Wiggin's 
office in the old Boston Music Hall, and introduced himself as 
the secretary of a lady who had written a book, the manuscript 
of which she wished Mr. Wiggin to revise, adding that she 
also wished him to prepare an index for her work. A few days 
later Mrs. Eddy herself came to see Mr. Wiggin, 7 bringing 
with her a bulky package of manuscript which proved to be 
a fresh version of that much-written book, Science and Health, 
which she had just rewritten from the fourth edition, 1884. 
She gave Mr. Wiggin to understand that, while the manuscript 
was practically ready for the printer, it needed the touch of a 
literary man. She agreed to his terms and withdrew. Mr. 
Wiggin, who was just about to start away on his summer 
vacation, put the package into his bag and took it up to the 
mountains with him. When he examined the manuscript later, 
he found that a revision of it was no holiday task. The faulty 
spelling and punctuation could have been corrected readily 
enough, as well as the incorrect historical references and the 
misuse of words ; but the whole work was so involved, formless, 
and contradictory that Mr. Wiggin put the manuscript away 
and thought no more about it until he returned to Boston. 
Then he saw Mrs. Eddy and told her that he could do nothing 
by merely correcting her manuscript ; that to improve it he 
would have largely to rewrite it. To his surprise, she willingly 
consented to this. During the autumn of 1885 Mr. Wiggin 

T For a graphic account of this first interview between Mrs.. Eddy and Mr. 
Wiggin, the reader is referred to a pamphlet, How Reverend Wiggin Rewrote 
Mrs. Eddy's Book, by Livingston Wright. 

Photograph by A. V. Brown 

Who was for four years Mrs. Eddy's literary adviser 


occupied himself with this task, which Mrs. Eddy carefully 
supervised to see that he did not in the least modify her views 
and that her favourite phrases were allowed to stand. 

Beginning with the first edition of the book (1875), and 
going through the successive editions up to 1886, one sees 
that what Mr. Wiggin did for Science and Health was to put 
into intelligible English the ideas which Mrs. Eddy had so 
befogged in the stating of them. Any one who reads a chapter, 
a page, or even a paragraph of the 1884 edition, and compares 
it with the same portion in the edition of 1886, will see the 
more obvious part of Mr. Wiggin's work. Take, for example, 
the following paragraph (1884 edition): 

What is man? Brains, heart, blood, or the entire human structure? 
If he is one or all of the component parts of the body, when you 
amputate a limb, you have taken away a portion of man, and the surgeon 
destroys manhood, and worms are the annihilators of man. But losing a 
limb, or injuring structure, is sometimes the quickener of manliness; and 
the unfortunate cripple presents more nobility than the statuesque outline, 
whereby we find " a man's a man, for a' that." 

Mr. Wiggin's revision of this passage reads: 

What is man? Brains, heart, blood, the material structure? If he is 
but a material body, when you amputate a limb, you must take away 
a portion of the man; the surgeon can destroy manhood, and the worms 
annihilate it. But the loss of a limb or injury to a tissue, is sometimes the 
quickener of manliness, and the unfortunate cripple may present more of 
it than the statuesque athlete, teaching us, by his very deprivations, that 
" a man's a man, for a' that." 

In the above example Mr. Wiggin's changes are only with 
regard to composition, such as any theme-reader might suggest 
in the work of an untrained student. But in many instances 
he was able to be of even greater assistance to Mrs. Eddy by 


helping her to give some sort of clearness and consistency to 
her theology. In her chapter on the Atonement (1884) Mrs. 
Eddy says: 

The glorious spiritual signification of the life and not death of our 
Master for he never died was laying down all of earth to instruct 
his enemies the way to Heaven, showing in the most sublime and un 
equivocal sense how Heaven is obtained. The blood of Jesus was not as 
much offered on the cross as before those closing scenes of his earth mission. 
The spiritual meaning of blood is offering sacrifice, and the efficacy of 
his life offering was greater than that of his blood spilled' upon the cross. 
It was the consecration of his whole being upon the altar of Love, a 
deathless offering to Spirit. O, highest sense of human affections and 
higher spiritual conceptions of our Infinite Father and Mother, show us 
what is Love! 

Mr. Wiggin's revision of this passage reads : 

The material blood of Jesus was no more efficacious to cleanse from 
sin, when it was shed upon the " accursed tree," than when it was flowing 
in his veins as he went daily about his Father's business. His spiritual 
flesh and blood were his Life; and they truly eat his flesh and drink his 
blood, who partake of that Life. The spiritual meaning of blood is sacri 
fice. The efficacy of Jesus' spirit-offering was infinitely greater than can 
be expressed by our mortal sense of human life. His mission was fulfilled. 
It reunited God and man by his career. His offering was Love's deathless 
sacrifice; for in Jesus' experience the human element was gloriously ex 
panded and absorbed into the divine. 

Besides granting subjects to participles, antecedents to pro 
nouns, introducing the subjunctive mode in conditions contrary 
to fact, and giving consistency to the tenses of the verbs, 
Mr. Wiggin largely rearranged the matter in each chapter and 
gave the book its first comprehensible paragraphing. Out of 
his wide reading he introduced many illustrative quotations 
into the text (not always to its advantage), and used many more 
as chapter-headings. He prevailed upon Mrs. Eddy to omit 
a very libellous chapter on " mesmerists," and here and there 


throughout the book expurgated some amusing absurdities. 
Where Mrs. Eddy represents Huxley, Tyndall, and Agassiz as 
Goliath, and Woman as David going forth to do battle with 
them, Mr. Wiggin permits Woman to go on with her sling, 
but suppresses the worthy professors, leaving her to encounter 
Goliath in the shape of Materialism. It must be remembered 
that Mr. Wiggin's edition was not made directly from the 
1884 edition, but from a manuscript revision of it made by 
Mrs. Eddy herself. However, when one recalls that the 1884 
edition was the result of at least a fourth rewriting, it seems 
improbable that Mrs. Eddy could have made much headway 
as to English in her fifth rewriting, the manuscript from which 
Mr. Wiggin worked. 

This collaboration with Mr. Wiggin has sometimes been re 
ferred to as discreditable to Mrs. Eddy chiefly from the fact, 
doubtless, that, even in her business letters to her publishers, 
she has persistently referred to Science and Health as " God's 
book." There could have been no wish on Mrs. Eddy's part 
to avoid labour, for she has worked at the book almost con 
tinuously for half a lifetime. Excluding the chapter called 
" Wayside Hints," which he wrote, Mr. Wiggin would have 
been the last man in the world to claim any part in the real 
authorship of Science and Health. The book has been re 
written again and again since Mr. Wiggin's work upon it 
stopped, and the editions which bear his revisions have been 
considerably improved upon, especially in the arrangement of 
the subject-matter. But the successive editions never began 
to improve at all over the first one indeed, it may be said 
that they grew worse rather than better until Mr. Wiggin 


took hold of the book, and many passages of the work to-day 
remain practically in the form into which he put them. 

For four years Mr. Wiggin was employed in the capacity 
of literary aid to Mrs. Eddy, doing editorial work upon the 
Journal, and assisting her in the composition and proof-read 
ing of three successive editions of Science and Health. Mrs. 
Eddy paid him well, and, in addition to his salary, he got a 
deal of entertainment out of his connection with Christian 
Science. He even wrote an amusing pamphlet 8 defending the 
new sect upon Biblical grounds. For Mr. Wiggin combined 
the qualities of a humourist and a theologian. He was a 
man of enormous bulk and stature and immense geniality. A 
slight hesitation in his gait, resulting from near-sightedness, 
sometimes caused his friends to liken him to Dr. Johnson. Ex 
tremely courtly and polished in manner, Mr. Wiggin was not 
only a scholar, but a man of fine tastes and of considerable 
critical ability. He was a musical critic of no mean order and 
an indefatigable concert-goer. He united a love of theology fl^ 
and theological disputations with an incongruous passion for the 
theatre. But, as it never occurred to Mr. Wiggin that there 
was anything unusual in delightedly pursuing the study of the 
drama and church history at the same time, so it seldom per 
plexed his friends or his fellow-clergymen. 

For years after he had given up active pastorate duties, he 
often supplied the pulpit of some other minister, and occasion 
ally went back to one of his old parishes to preach, lecture, or 
deliver a funeral sermon. His friendships with many of his old 
parishioners continued until his death, and the most cordial 
* Christian Science and the Bible, by Phare Pleigh. 


relations always existed between him and the members of the 
Unitarian Association. He usually attended the Monday Min 
isters' meeting at the Unitarian headquarters on Beacon Hill, 
and would often go out with one or two fellow-preachers and 
sit down to a lunch and a lengthy theological argument. Per 
haps the same evening he would gather up several young news 
paper men and go to an opening night at the theatre, pouring 
forth between the acts such a stream of anecdote, discriminating 
criticism, and reminiscence, that the young critics felt the 
morning's " notice " of the performance growing beneath their 
hands. After the last curtain Mr. Wiggin frequently went 
back to the dressing-rooms to exchange stories and recollections 
with the older performers and to give encouragement and sug 
gestions to the younger ones. Mr. Wiggin's love of the theatre 
came about very naturally: his uncle had been from boyhood 
a friend of Charlotte Cushman's, whom the nephew himself 
knew and concerning whom he once wrote a delightful paper 
for The Coming Age. 

Mr. Wiggin, with Edward Everett Hale, Professor William 
J. Rolfe, and a score more, was one of the organisers of the 
Playgoers' Club of Boston, before which he used often to lecture 
upon the old days of the Boston Museum and the remarkable 
stock work done there. Horace Lewis^^illiam Warren, Mrs. 
John Drew, Adelaide Phillips, and ^^BSmith Russell were 
among his many warm professional friends, and esteemed his 
suggestions and criticisms. He was becomingly fond of the 
comforts of the table, and delighted to gather a party of 
young writers and actors about him at supper and entertain 
them with stories of the great artists whom he had heard in 


his youth. His conversation was rich in anecdote and humour, 
and he belonged to the day when literary quotations were intro 
duced unblushingly into friendly talk. Indeed, Mr. Wiggin 
had his Shakespeare so well upon his tongue that he could 
illuminate almost any question with a Shakespearean quotation. 
He once wrote an account of how he heard Liszt, then a newly 
made abbe, play at a sacred concert in Rome, and managed 
quite unconsciously, it would seem to describe pretty much the 
whole affair in language from Macbeth. An extraordinary 
man, certainly, to be concerned in the shaping of Science and 
Health. Mr. Wiggin himself never got over the humour of it. 
It must not be supposed that he took his task lightly enough 
to slight it. He was accustomed to do his hack work well, 
and it became with him a genuine concern, as he often said, 
" to keep Mrs. Eddy from making herself ridiculous." He was 
glad to talk theology to any one, and he doubtless enjoyed 
teaching a little to Mrs. Eddy. He used to tell, with enormous 
glee, how Mrs. Eddy would sometimes receive his suggestions 
by slyly remarking, " Mr. Wiggin, do you know, I sometimes 
believe God speaks to me through you." It was when his 
venerable patroness laughed that he liked her best, and with 
him she sometimes enjoyed a joke in a pleasant and human 
fashion. Among other services which he rendered her, Mr. 
Wiggin once drew vB' Mrs. Eddy the outline of a sermon 
upon the " city that heth foursquare," described in Revelation. 
She delivered the sermon before her congregation January 24, 
1886, with great success, though the Journal, in reporting the 
occasion, says that the Rev. Mrs. Eddy laboured under some 
disadvantage, as she had left her manuscript at home. Mr. 


Wiggin was present in the audience, and after the service the 
huge man made his way up to the rostrum, where Mrs. Eddy 
was surrounded by a crowd of delighted women. When Mrs. 
Eddy saw him, her eyes began to twinkle, and, putting her 
hand to her lips, she shot him a stage whisper : " How did 
it go? " 

When Mr. Wiggin persuaded her to omit the libellous por 
tion of the chapter on Mesmerism from the 1886 edition of 
Science and Health after the plates for the edition had been 
made, Mrs. Eddy, at Mr. Wiggin's suggestion, cut this sermon 
to the required length and, by inserting it, was able to send the 
book to press without renumbering the remaining pages. The 
chapter was called "Wayside Hints (Supplementary)," and 
Mrs. Eddy put her seal upon it by inserting, under the subject 
of " squareness," a tribute to her deceased husband : " We 
need good square men everywhere. Such a man was my late 
husband, Dr. Asa G. Eddy." 

By the year 1890 Mrs. Eddy had begun to lose patience 
with Mr. Wiggin and to charge him with not taking his work 
seriously enough. In a letter to her publisher, Mr. William 
G. Nixon, she complains that Mr. Wiggin's proof corrections 
have a " most shocking flippancy," and the exasperation of 
her letter seems to indicate that the worthy gentleman had 
grown tired of assisting revelation: 


Aug. 28, 1890. 

The proofs which I received Aug. 27th, and returned to printer Aug. 28th, 
are somewhere. I had not changed the marginal references in the copy 
because I had before written to Mr. Wiggin to make fewer notations and 


more appropriate ones. When he returned the first proofs a belief (but 
don't name this to any one) prevented my examining them as I should 
otherwise have done, and, to prevent delay, the proof was sent to the 

The second proofs have the most shocking flippancy in notations. I 
have corrected them, also made fewer of them, which will involve another 
delay caused by Mr. Wiggin. He has before changed his own marginal 
references which delayed the printing. Also he took back the word " can 
not" throughout the entire proofs which he had before insisted upon 
using thereby causing another delay. I write this to let you know how 
things stand. 

Yours truly, 


In a letter dated three months later Mrs. Eddy again com 
plains that Mr. Wiggin is slow about getting in his proofs, 
and says : " This is M.A.M. [Malicious Animal Magnetism] 
and it governs Wiggin as it has done once before to prevent 
the publishing of my work. ... I will take the proof-reading 
out of Wiggin's hands." 

On the whole, Mrs. Eddy seems to have got along amicably 
with Mr. Wiggin. She liked him, greatly respected his scholar 
ship, and was pleased to make use of his versatile talents. 
He, on the other hand, assisted her with good nature, advised 
her, and defended her with a sort of playful gallantry that 
went with his generous make of mind and body. He was often 
aghast at her makeshifts and amused by her persistence, while 
he delighted in her ingenuity and admired her shrewdness. He 
could find lines in his favourite Macbeth applicable even to 
Mrs. Eddy, and he seems always heartily to have wished her 
well. In a letter to an old college friend, dated December 14, 
1889, Mr. Wiggin made an interesting criticism of Christian 
Science and gave probably the most trenchant and suggestive 
An illness. 


sketch of Mrs. Eddy that will ever be written. We have 
no other picture of her done by so capable a hand, for no one 
else among those closely associated with her ever studied her 
with such an unprejudiced and tempered mind, or judged her 
from a long and rich experience of books ?,nd men, enlightened 
by a humour as irrepressible as it was kindly. Mr. Wiggin's 
criticism follows : 

Christian Science, on its theological side, is an ignorant revival of one 
form of ancient gnosticism, that Jesus is to be distinguished from the 
Christ, and that his earthly appearance was phantasmal, not real and fleshly. 

On its moral side, it involves what must follow from the doctrine that 
reality is a dream, and that if a thing is right in thought, why right it is, 
and that sin is non-existent, because God can behold no evil. Not that 
Christian Science believers generally see this, or practise evil, but the 
virus is within. 

Religiously, Christian Science is a revolt from orthodoxy, but unphilo- 
sophically conducted, endeavouring to ride two horses. 

Physically, it leads people to trust all to nature, the great healer, and 
so does some good. Great virtue in imagination ! . . . Where there 
is disease which time will not reach, Christian Science is useless. 

As for the High Priestess of it, ... she is well I could tell you, 
but not write. An awfully (I use the word advisedly) smart woman, 
acute, shrewd, but not well read, nor in any way learned. What she has, 
as documents clearly show, she got from P. P. Quimby of Portland, Maine, 
whom she eulogised after death as the great leader and her special teacher. 
. . . She tried to answer the charge of the adoption of Quimby's ideas, 
and called me in to counsel her about it; but her only answer (in print!) 
was that if she said such things twenty years ago, she must have been 
under the influence of animal magnetism, which is her devil. No church 
can long get on without a devil, you know. Much more I could say if you 
were here. . . . 

People beset with this delusion are thoroughly irrational. Take an 

instance. Dr. R of Roxbury is not a believer. His wife is. One 

evening I met her at a friendly house. Knowing her belief, I ventured 
only a mild and wary dissent, saying that I saw too much of it to feel 
satisfied, etc. In fact, the Doctor said the same and told me more in 
private. Yet, later, I learned that this slight discussion made her ill, 
nervous, and had a bad eifect. 

One of Mrs. Eddy's followers went so far as to say that if she saw 


Mrs. Eddy commit a crime she should believe her own sight at fault, not 
Mrs. Eddy's conduct. An intelligent man told me in reference to lies 
he knew about, that the wrong was in *. " Was not Jesus accused of 
wrong-doing, yet guiltless?" 

Only experience can teach these fanatics, i.e., the real believers, not the 
charlatans who go into it for money. ... As for the book, if you 
have any edition since December, 1885, it had my supervision. Though 
now she is getting out an entirely new edition, with which I had nothing 
to do, and occasionally she has made changes whereof I did not know. 

The chapter B told you of is rather fanciful, though, to use Mrs. 

Eddy's language in her last note, her " friends think it a gem." It is the 
one called " Wayside Hints," and was added after the work was not only 
in type, but cast, because she wished to take out some twenty pages 
of diatribe on her dissenters. ... I do not think it will greatly edify 
you, the chapter. As for clearness, many Christian Science people thought 
her early editions much better, because they sounded more like Mrs. 
Eddy. The truth is, she does not care to have her paragraphs clear, and 
delights in so expressing herself that her words may have various readings 
and meanings. Really, that is one of the tricks of the trade. You 
know sibyls have always been thus oracular, to " keep the word of promise 
to the ear, and break it to the hope." 

There is nothing really to understand in " Science and Health " except 
that God is all, and yet there is no God in matter! What they fail to 
explain is, the origin of the idea of matter, or sin. They say it comes 
from mortal mind, and that mortal mind is not divinely created, in fact, 
has no existence; in fact, that nothing comes of nothing, and that matter 
and disease are like dreams, having no existence. Quimby had definite 
ideas, but Mrs. Eddy has not understood them. 

When I first knew Christian Science, I wrote a defensive pamphlet 
called "Christian Science and the Bible" (though I did not believe the 
doctrine). ... I found fair game in the assaults of orthodoxy upon 
Mrs. Eddy, and support in the supernaturalism of the Bible; but I did 
not pretend to give an exposition of Christian Science, and I did not know 
the old lady as well as I do now. 

No, Swedenborg, and all other such writers, are sealed books to her. 
She cannot understand such utterances, and never could, but dollars and 
cents she understands thoroughly. 

Her influence is wonderful. Mrs. R 's husband is anxious not 

to have her undeceived, though her tenth cancer is forming, lest she sink 
under the change of faith, and I can quite see that the loss of such a faith, 
like loss of faith in a physician, might be injurious. ... In the summer 
of 1888, some thirty of her best people left Mrs. Eddy, including her 
leading people, too, her association and church officers. . . . They still 


believe nominally in Christian Science, yet several of them . . . are 
studying medicine at the College of Physicians and Surgeons, Boston; 
and she gave consent for at least one of them to study at this allopathic 
school. These students I often see, and they say the professors are coming 
over to their way of belief, which means simply that they hear the trust 
worthiness of the laws of nature proclaimed. As in her book, and in her 
class (which I went through), she says, "Call a surgeon in surgical cases." 

" What if I find a breech presentation in childbirth?" asked a pupil. 

" You will not, if you are in Christian Science," replied Mrs. Eddy. 

"But if I do?" 

" Then send for the nearest regular practitioner I " 

You see, Mrs. Eddy is nobody's fool. 





Mary B. G. Eddy has worked out before us as on a blackboard every 
point in the temptations and demonstrations or so-called miracles of 
Jesus, showing us how to meet and overcome the one and how to perform 
the other. Christian Science Journal, April, 1889. 

THE first five years of Mrs. Eddy's life in Boston had been 
years of almost uninterrupted progress. Her college had, by 
1887, grown to be a source of very considerable income. 
Her classes now numbered from thirty to fifty students each, 
and a class was instructed and graduated within three weeks' 
time. Although some students were received at a discount 
and paid only two hundred dollars for their instruction, the 
usual tuition fee was still three hundred dollars a husband 
and wife being regarded as one student and paying but one fee. 
The course, which was formerly the only one taught at Mrs. 
Eddy's college, was now called the " primary course," and 
she added what she termed a " normal course " (being a review 
of the primary), a course in " metaphysical obstetrics," and 
a course in " theology," in all of which she was the sole 
instructor. If the student took all the courses offered, his 



tuition fees amounted to eight hundred dollars. 1 By 1887 
there was such a demand for Mrs. Eddy's instruction that 
she could form as many classes a year as she felt able to 
teach, and her classes netted her from five to ten thousand 
dollars each. In 1883 Mrs. Eddy had founded her monthly 
periodical, the Christian Science Journal, 2 of incalculable serv 
ice in spreading her doctrines. In 1886 she had, with the 
assistance of the Rev. James Henry Wiggin, got out a new 
and much improved edition of Science and Health. Between 
1880 and 1887 she had published four pamphlets: Christian 
Healing, The People's God, Defence of Christian Science, and 
a Historical Sketch of Metaphysical Healing. Promising 
church organisations were being built up in New York, Chicago, 
Denver, and in dozens of smaller cities. 

Systematic efforts were now begun to raise money for a 
permanent church building in Boston. The congregation had 
outgrown its old quarters in Chickering Hall in Tremont Street, 
and was 'having difficulty in obtaining a place for its services, 
some of the larger halls refusing to rent to the Christian 
Scientists. In the summer of 1886 the church had purchased 
from Nathan Matthews a piece of land in Falmouth Street, 
in a tenement district of the Back Bay, which it intended to 
use for a building site. But the land was subject to a mortgage 
of $8,763.50, and it was for the purpose of paying off this 
mortgage that the Christian Scientists were holding fairs and 

1 Primary Class, twelve lessons (afterward seven lessons) $300 

Normal Class, six lessons 200 

Class in Metaphysical Obstetrics, six lessons 100 

Class in Theology, six lessons 200 

Total $800 

2 The magazine was first called The Journal of Christian Science, but the 
title was soon changed to The Christian Science Journal. 


concerts during the latter years of the '80's, and appealing 
to every member of the church and to every student at the 
college to set aside a weekly sum to be paid into the fund. 

In the Christmas holidays of 1887 Mrs. Eddy moved from 
her dwelling in Columbus Avenue to a more pretentious house 
at 385 Commonwealth Avenue. The Christian Science Journal, 
under the head " Material Change of Base," announced her 
removal in the following enthusiastic language: 

At Xmastide Rev. Mary B. Glover Eddy began to occupy the new 
house which she has purchased on Commonwealth Avenue, No. 385. The 
price is recorded in real estate transactions as $40,000. It is a large 
house in the middle of the block and contains twenty rooms. . . . The 
spot is very beautiful and the house has been finished and furnished under the 
advice of a professional decorator. The locality is excellent. For the in 
formation of friends not acquainted with Boston, it may be stated that Com 
monwealth Avenue is the most fashionable in the city. Through the centre of 
it runs a slim park with a central promenade, leaving a driveway on each 
side of the main thoroughfare. Within a few yards of Mrs. Eddy's 
mansion is the massive residence of his Excellency, Oliver Ames, the present 
Governor of Massachusetts. To name the dwellers on this avenue would 
be to name scores of Boston's wealthy and influential men. On Marlboro' 
Street, which is the next toward the river, are many more families of 
note; while everybody knows that Beacon Street, which is next in line, 
claims the blue blood of Boston for its inheritance, especially on the 
water side. 

The fact that some of the members of Mrs. Eddy's own 
Boston church began to murmur texts about the foxes having 
holes and the birds of the air having nests, and that Mrs. 
Crosse, the editor of the Journal, felt it necessary to print an 
apologetic explanation of this notice, augured ill for the year 
that was just beginning. A great discontent had been growing 
in the Boston church, and for more than two years there had 
been two factions in the organisation : those who were absolutely 


loyal to Mrs. Eddy, and those who merely conformed who 
believed in the principle she taught, but who, as she often put 
it, " tried with one breath to credit the Message and discredit 
the Messenger." 

Both factions believed in the supremacy of mind over matter, 
and in the healing principle which Mrs. Eddy taught. But 
the loyal were those who believed: 

In the Fall in Lynn and its subsequent revelation. 

That the Bible and Science and Health are one book the 
Sacred Scriptures. 

That sin, disease, and death are non-existent and will finally 
disappear under demonstration. 

That Malicious Animal Magnetism can cause sickness, sin, 
and death. 

That Mrs. Eddy has interpreted the Motherhood, or feminine 
idea of God, as Jesus Christ interpreted the masculine idea. 

That the feminine idea of God is essentially higher than the 

The loyal disciples did not hesitate to make the claim that 
Christian Science was the offspring of Mrs. Eddy's direct 
communion with God, just as Jesus was the offspring of Mary's 
communion, and that the result of this second immaculate con 
ception was a book rather than a man, because this age was 
" more mental " than that in which Jesus Christ lived and 
taught. An article entitled " Immaculate Conception," in the 
Journal of November, 1888, elaborates this idea at great 
length : 

Let us come in thought to another day, a day when woman shall commune 
with God, the eternal Principle and only Creator, and bring forth the 


spiritual idea. And what of her child? Man is spiritual, man is mental. 
\Voman was the first in this day to recognise this and the other facts it 
includes. As a result of her communion we have Christian Science. 

You may ask why this child did not come in human form, as did the 
child of old. Because that was not necessary. ... As this age is 
more mental than former ages, so the appearance of the idea of Truth 
is more mental. 

From the first year of its establishment, the Christian Science 
Journal insisted, as indeed Mrs. Eddy's own writings insist, 
upon making for her a place among the characters of sacred 
history. In November, 1885, we find the following outburst: 

What a triumphant career is this for a woman! Can it be anything 
less than the " tabernacle of God with men " the fulfilment of the vision 
of the lonely seer on the Isle of Patmos the " wonder in heaven," deliver 
ing the child which shall rule all nations? How dare we say to the con 
trary, that she is God-sent to the world, as much as any character of 
Sacred Writ? 

Mrs. Eddy herself wrote that the following verse from 
the Apocalypse " has special reference to the present age " : 3 

" And there appeared a great wonder in heaven ; a woman 
clothed with the sun, and the moon under her feet, and upon 
her head a crown of twelve stars." Mrs. Eddy says that the 
child which this woman bore was Christian Science. In the 
Mother Church at Boston there is a resplendent window repre 
senting this star-crowned woman. 

These comparisons did not stop with the Virgin Mary and 
the star-crowned woman. Throughout the first ten years of 
the Journal there is a running parallel between Mrs. Eddy and 
Jesus Christ. This comparison was continually heard from 
the pulpits of Christian Science churches. The Rev. George 
B. Day, " M.A., C.S.B.," in a sermon delivered before the 

8 Science and Health (1906), p. 560. 


Chicago church and afterward approvingly printed in the 
Journal, declared that " Christian Science is the Gospel accord 
ing to Woman." He went on to say: 

We are witnessing the transfer of the gospel from male to female 
trust. . . . Eighteen hundred years ago Paul declared that man was 
the head of the woman; but now, in "Science and Health," it is asserted 
that " woman is the highest form of man." 

Mr. Day called his sermon " Sheep, Shepherd, and Shep 
herdess," and he considered, in turn, the disciples, Christ, and 
Mrs. Eddy. 

The Christian Scientist held that Jesus, the man, was merely 
a man ; that " the Christ " which dwelt within him was Divine 
Mind, dwelling more or less in all of us, but manifested in a 
superlative degree in Jesus and in Mrs. Eddy. In an unsigned 
editorial in the Journal of April, 1889, called " Christian Science 
and its Revelator," we are told that Jesus demonstrated over 
sickness, sin, and death, but that his disciples did not compre 
hend the principle of his miracles, since neither the Gospels 
nor the Epistles explain them. It was left for Mrs. Eddy, in 
Science and Health, to supplement the New Testament and 
to furnish this explanation. " The Christ is only the name for 
that state of consciousness which is the goal, the inevitable, 
ultimate state of every mortal," and Mrs. Eddy has shown 
mankind how to reach that state of consciousness. The writer 
continues : " To-day Truth has come through the person of 
a New England girl. . . . From the cradle she gave indications 
of a divine mission and power which caused Tier mother to 
* ponder them in her heart.' ' The writer further says of Mrs. 
Eddy that she has done good to them that hated her, blessed 


them that cursed her, and prayed for them that despitefully 
used her; that she has been led as a sheep to the slaughter, 
and as a lamb before his shearers is dumb, so she has opened 
not her mouth. 

It is because Eve was the first to admit her fault in the 
garden of Eden, Mrs. Eddy says,* that a woman was permitted 
to give birth to Jesus Christ, and that a woman was permitted 
to write Science and Health and to reveal the spiritual origin 
of man. It is because woman is more spiritual than man, 
the Christian Science writers in the Journal explain, that a 
woman perceived the nothingness of matter, though Jesus did 
not, and that she was able to interpret the feminine idea of 
God, which is essentially higher than the masculine. In answer 
to an inquiry concerning the edition of the Bible upon 
which Science and Health is based, the editor of the Journal 
replied : 

Would it not be too material a view to speak of " Science and Health " 
being based upon any edition of the Bible? . . . The Chosen One, 
always with God in the Mount, speaks face to face. In other words, 
" Science and Health " is a first-hand revelation. When this statement 
by the editor, Mr. Bailey, was criticised, he replied that he meant no 
disparagement of the Bible, but that he considered ' the Bible and " Science 
and Health " as one book the Sacred Scriptures.' 

When Mrs. Eddy's following consisted of but a handful of 
students, her divine assumption passed unnoticed; but, as time 
went on, less credulous critics were heard from. She had 
created a wide and lively interest in mind-healing, and many 
people began to look into the subject. In 1882 Julius Dresser, 
her old fellow-patient and pupil under Phineas Parkhurst 

* Science and Health (1906), pages 533, 534. 


Quimby, returned from California, and began to practise 
Quimby's method of mental healing in Boston. 

With Mr. Dresser's return the " Quimby controversy " 5 
began. In a letter to the Boston Post, February 24, 1883, 
Mr. Dresser presented evidence which went a great way toward 
proving that Mrs. Eddy got her principle of mind-healing from 
his old teacher. He published the laudatory article upon 
Quimby which Mrs. Eddy had written and printed in the Port 
land Courier twenty-five years before. He republished Mrs. 
Eddy's poem, " Lines upon the Death of Dr. P. P. Quimby, 
who Healed with the Truth that Christ Taught," as well as 
the letter which Mrs. Eddy wrote him after her memorable 
fall in Lynn. 

To these unguarded utterances of that long-forgotten 
woman, Mary M. Patterson, Mrs. Eddy replied by repudiating 
her own effusions, prose and verse, and saying that if she ever 
wrote them at all she was " mesmerised " when she did it ; that 
Quimby was an ignorant mesmerist, etc. 

In 1887 Mr. Dresser published his pamphlet, The True 
History of Mental Science, in which he repeated his statements 
in the Boston Post, and related his own experience with Mrs. 
Eddy when she was a patient and he was a student of Dr. 
Quimby in Portland. This pamphlet brought out comment 
that was unfavourable to Mrs. Eddy, and stirred up her dis 
affected students. Although Mrs. Eddy responded with fire 
and spirit to her critics, 6 her controversy with Mr. Dresser 

5 For a full account of this controversy see Chapters III, IV, and V. 

8 Mr. Dresser, she says in her Journal, " has loosed from the leash his pet 
poodle to alternately whine and bark at my heels," and she refers to a former 
student who has endorsed Mr. Dresser's hook, as " that suckling litterateur, 
Mr. Marston, whom I taught and whose life I saved three years ago, but who 
now squeaks out an echo of Mr. Dresser's abuse." 


set her less infatuate students to thinking. Many of them 
decided to investigate the Quimby claim, and bought the works 
of the Rev. Warren F. Evans, 7 who had been treated by Quimby 
a year after Mrs. Eddy's first visit to Portland, who had 
practised Quimby's method of healing both in New Hampshire 
and in Massachusetts, and who had published two books upon 
mental healing before the first edition of Science and Health 
appeared The Mental Cure (1869) and Mental Medicine 

Dr. Evans' early works had a mildness of tone which strongly 
appealed to such of Mrs. Eddy's students as were interested 
in the principle of mental healing alone, and were somewhat 
repelled by the garnishings which she had added to it. Evans 
did not deny the existence of disease, much less of matter ; 
he simply affirmed the power of mind. His work The Mental 
Cure is little more than a study of the reactions of mental 
states upon the organs of the body. After reading Dr. Evans, 

7 The Rev. Warren Felt Evans, M.D., was born in Rockingham, Vt., December 
23, 1817. He was educated at Chester Academy, Middlebury College, and Dart 
mouth College. Later he was granted a diploma from a chartered board of 
physicians of the Eclectic School, which entitled him to the degree M.D. Mr. 
Evans left Dartmouth in the middle of his junior year and entered the ministry 
of the Methodist Episcopal Church. For about twenty years he remained in 
the ministry, holding ehaiges in various towns in New Hampshire and Massa 
chusetts. He had been frail since his youth, and during the later years of 
his ministry was ill much of the time. It was in those years of broken health 
that he began to study the works of Emanuel Swedenborg, and came to believe 
in the possibility of curing physical disease through " the power of a living 
faith." About the year 1863 Dr. Evans went to Mr. Quimby for treatment. 
He was able to grasp Quimby's theories almost immediately, and became so 
much interested in Quimby's work that he soon returned to Portland upon a 
second visit. Dr. Evans then told Mr. Quimby that he felt he could himself 
practice Quimby's method of mind cure. Receiving cordial encouragement, he 
returned to his home at Claremont, New Hampshire, and at once began to 
practise. He later conducted a kind of mind-cure sanatorium, known as the 
" Evans Home," at Salisbury, Mass. The later years of his life were chiefly 
devoted to his literary work, and he published a number of books upon mental 
healing. They were The Mental Cure (1869), Mental Medicine (1872), Soul 
and Body (1875), The Divine Law of Cure (1881), The Primitive Mind Cure 
(1885), and Esoteric Christianity (1886). 

Dr. Evans died September 4, 1889. Personally he was devout and modest, 
a thinker, and a reader, rather than a propagandist. His endeavour was to 
prove that mind cure is one of the old rectifying forces of the world, and he 
made no claim to discovery or to especial enlightenment. His great desire was 
to arouse other people to thinking and writing upon the subject of metaphysical 


a number of Mrs. Eddy's strongest students quietly dropped 
out of her Christian Scientists' Association and began to 
investigate the subject of mental healing from another side, 
helping to form the nucleus of what was later to become the 
" New Thought " movement. 

Mrs. Eddy at once saw the danger of liberal study and 
investigation on the part of her students. As a direct rebuke 
to those who had become interested in the writings of Dr. 
Evans, she issued instructions to the members of the Christian 
Scientists' Association that they should read no other works 
upon mental healing than those written by herself, and she 
printed in the Journal a set of rules to the effect that all 
teachers of Christian Science should require that their students 
read no literature upon the subject of mind cure but her own. 
To prevent liberal discussion and possible " conspiracy," she 
introduced a by-law that no two of the members of the Associa 
tion should meet to discuss Christian Science or mental healing 
without inviting all other members of the Association to be 
present at their discussion. Her idea apparently was that one 
of her personal representatives should always be on hand to 
direct the discourse into safe channels. These restrictions 
cost her the allegiance of thoughtful students like Dr. J. W. 
Winkley and his wife. 

Mrs. Eddy was now facing the gravest problem which had 
confronted her since the founding of her church. How was 
she to keep Christian Science from having a literature? How 
was she to prevent all these people whom she had stirred and 
had interested in metaphysical healing from writing books upon 
it which might prove a satisfactory and become as popular 


as her own? Mrs. Ursula Gestefeld of Chicago, who had been 
a student in the class Mrs. Eddy taught in that city in April, 
1884, and who was one of the most intelligent and able persons 
ever associated with the Christian Science movement, in 1888 
wrote a book which she called A Statement of Christian Science, 
adding upon the title-page that it was " An Explanation of 
Science and Health," and giving Mrs. Eddy all possible credit 
as the originator of the basic ideas of her book. Mrs. Geste- 
feld's work was an intelligent and intelligible presentation of 
the fundamental ideas contained in Science and Health, without 
Mrs. Eddy's disregard of logic and order, and free from her 
confusing and tawdry rhetoric. Any natural scientist would 
have welcomed such a clear and careful statement of his ideas. 
But Mrs. Eddy branded Mrs. Gestefeld as a " mesmerist " of 
the most dangerous variety, and had her expelled from the 
Chicago church. The Journal declared that the " meta 
physics " of Mrs. Gestefeld's book " crawled on its belly instead 
of soaring in the upper air," and bade her beware, as " only 
the pure in heart should see God." Mrs. Gestefeld then pub 
lished a pamphlet, Jesuitism in Christian Science, in which she 
explained her position and said that if Science and Health 
merely contained Mrs. Eddy's personal impressions, if it were 
a work of the fancy or imagination, then she had a right to 
object to its being used as the basis of another book. But if 
Mrs. Eddy's work announced the discovery of a principle and 
a universal truth, she could no more keep other people from 
writing and thinking upon it than she could keep people from 
affirming that twice two are four. But, with Mrs. Eddy, 
obtaining recognition for her truth was always secondary to 


keeping it hers. Since she first began to teach her " Science," 
the story of her public life is simply the story of how she kept 
her hold on it. The very way in which she had come by her 
discovery made her always afraid of losing it, and she was 
forever detecting some student in the act of making off with it. 
Even in Lynn, she slept, as it were, with her hand on the cradle. 

Later, when a Christian Science periodical was being printed 
in German, Mrs. Eddy would not permit Science and Health 
to be translated into that language, or into any other. She 
was not a linguist, and, knowing that she would be unable to 
pass upon the text of a translation, she feared to trust her 
gospel to the shadings of a foreign tongue. How she has done 
it let him declare who can, but she has absolutely sterilised 
every source that might have produced Christian Science litera 
ture, and to-day a loyal Christian Scientist would be as likely 
to think of dynamiting the Mother Church as of writing a 
book upon the theory or practice of Christian Science. 

Dr. Evans' school if it is not misleading to call his patients 
and sympathisers by so formal a name was a rival which 
caused Mrs. Eddy a good deal of alarm. It drew from her 
her more thoughtful students, and, though they were seldom 
her most loyal and tractable followers, she realised their value 
in giving her sect a certain standing in Boston. The Evans 
following had hitherto been entirely without organisation ; they 
were simply a group of people who were interested in the 
metaphysical treatment of disease, each thinking in his own 
way and working out his own problem. Now, however, they 
began to meet together more systematically, to organise in 
groups here and there, and to publish books and periodicals, 


encouraging liberal discussion and investigation. In their new 
activity they were doubtless influenced by Mrs. Eddy's stimulat 
ing example. Whatever the more conservative school of mental 
healers might have to say for themselves, or even for Mr. 
Quimby, it was Mrs. Eddy who had brought mental healing 
out of comparative obscurity, who had built up a strong organi 
sation to advertise and push it, and who had sent out scores 
of missionaries and healers to establish it. It was as a religion, 
not as a way of thinking or a manner of living, that the new 
idea could be made to take hold, and Mrs. Eddy had seen 
this when the mental scientists had not. Indeed, had they 
realised this fact, it is doubtful whether they would have taken 
any earlier action, since they believed more in untrammelled 
individual development than in organised effort. 

Although Mrs. Eddy viewed with alarm this growing body 
of independent writers and investigators, she had really very 
little to fear from an unorganised body of theorists who, how 
ever they might worst her in argument or distance her in 
reasoning, were certainly not her equals in generalship. Mrs. 
Eddy was a good fighter, and she knew it. In 1897 she wrote 
from her peaceful retirement at Concord : " With tender tread, 
thought sometimes walks in memory, through the dim corridors 
of years, on to old battle-grounds, there sadly to survey the 
fields of the slain and the enemy's losses." This from solitude 
and the peace of age; but there was no tender treading in the 
years when the battle was on. As soon as she saw signs of 
activity and consolidation among the people who had been in 
fluenced by Dr. Evans, Mrs. Eddy began vigorously to attack 
them, realising that such an organisation as theirs must in- 


evitably draw recruits from the disssatisfied element in her own 
church. By the beginning of 1888 there was discord even in 
that inner circle of students who shared Mrs. Eddy's councils 
and who were in daily attendance upon her at her new house 
in Commonwealth Avenue. This growing unrest she attributed 
solely to the mesmeric influence of the mental scientists. In 
reality it arose from several causes. 

Some of the students were disappointed in Mrs. Eddy per 
sonally; some, like Mrs. Sarah Crosse (for several years editor 
of the Journal), had lost faith in Mrs. Eddy after long service; 
some, like Mr. and Mrs. Charles A. Troupe, were displeased 
with the arbitrary way in which she conducted the Christian 
Scientists' Association ; others were dissatisfied with her instruc 
tion in the obstetrical course which she had recently introduced 
into her college. The first class in obstetrics was a large one, 
and each member had paid one hundred dollars tuition. Of 
the six lectures which Mrs. Eddy gave them, five were devoted 
almost exclusively to a discussion of Malicious Animal Magnet 
ism, and in the sixth she merely instructed them to " deny " 
premature birth, abnormal presentation, hemorrhage, etc. 8 

At the same time Mrs. Eddy fanned the fire of discontent 
by announcing that she would no longer receive students for 
the " normal " course who had not passed through her own 

8 This course in obstetrics, as taken down by a student of that first class 
from Mrs. Eddy's dictation, covers less than a page of letter-paper, and consists 
of the "denials" that the practitioner is to use at the bedside of his patient. 

The practitioner is first to take up in thought the subject of premature 
birth, and to deny the possibility of such an occurrence in the case he Is 
then treating. 

He is to deny one by one some of the dangerous symptoms wnich may 
attend childbirth. Mrs. Eddy takes these symptoms up at random and with 
no consideration for their relation to each other. 

It was her exceedingly informal and unsystematic treatment of tier subject 
In her obstetrical course, as well as the fact that most _of the lectures were 
devoted to the subject of Demonology, that causecl dissatisfaction among Mrs, 
Eddv's students. 


primary class. As many of her normal graduates were now 
teaching primary classes in Christian Science, but not normal 
classes, this ruling would have the effect of debarring students, 
who wished to take more than a primary course, from any 
institution but Mrs. Eddy's. Mrs. Eddy's primary classes 
would be filled at the expense of the classes of her followers. 
So generally was this order criticised, that Mrs. Eddy felt 
obliged to modify it. , 

Mrs. Eddy, having faithfully taught her students how to 
detect malicious animal magnetism in others, was now openly 
charged with teaching and practising it herself. In Science 
and Health, and in her classes, she had taught her students 
how to make a vigorous defence against the black art of the mal- 
practitioners, but she had always indignantly denied the charge 
of being a mesmerist herself. The very accusation, the Journal 
said, was due to the malicious work of Kennedy and Arens. 10 

It seems, however, to have been Mrs. Eddy's action in the 
Corner case which brought all this dissatisfaction to a head. 
In the spring of 1888 Mrs. Abby H. Corner of West Medford, 
Mass., a student of Mrs. Eddy's and a member of the Christian 
Scientists' Association, attended her own daughter in childbirth, 
with the result that the mother and baby died. Mrs. Corner 

"They (the malpractitioners) know," she writes In Science and Health, 
Vol. I, page 244, 1885 edition, " as well as we, it is morally impossible for 
Science to produce sickness, but science makes sin punish itself. They should 
have fear for their own lives in their attempts to kill us. God is Supreme, and 
the penalties of their sins they cannot escape. Turning the attention of the 
sick to us for the benefit they may receive from us, is another milder species 
of malpractice that is not safe, for If we feel their sufferings, not knowing 
the individual, we shall defend ourself, and the result is dangerous to the 

In Science and Health, page 174, 1884 edition, this warning is given: "In 
warfare with error we attack with intent to kill, as the wounded or cornered 
beast turns on its assailant." 

10 " i never touched In thought personalities, though well aware that K. and 
A. (Kennedy and Arens) of Boston, and some of their co-adjntors do mentally 
attack people in this way, making them believe that she who exposes their 
crimes (Mrs. Eddy) is doing it." Christian Science Journal, July, 1885. 


was prosecuted, but was finally acquitted on the ground that 
her daughter's death had occurred from a hemorrhage which 
might have been fatal even had a physician been present. The 
case was widely discussed in the newspapers, and aroused a 
great deal of indignation and animosity toward Christian Sci 
ence. It seemed the time of all times for Christian Scientists 
to stand together, and for the students of Mrs. Eddy's college 
to meet the issue squarely. They did so all except Mrs. Eddy 
and those whom she directly controlled. Hundreds of Mrs. 
Eddy's students were then practising who knew no more about 
obstetrics than the babes they helped into the world. Mrs. 
Eddy's obstetrical course, which was a recent innovation, con 
sisted of instructions to " deny " everything except the child 
itself. Fifteen years before, students had gone out from her 
classes in Lynn and had taken confinement cases, in which they 
were said to be particularly successful. Mrs. Eddy had never 
hinted, until she introduced her obstetrical course, that any 
special preparation was needed in that branch of metaphysical 
treatment. Mrs. Corner had acted not only according to the 
custom of Mrs. Eddy's students, but according to Mrs. Eddy's 
instructions for fifteen years past. Nevertheless, now that 
there was actually a question of Christian Science and the 
law, Mrs. Eddy completely withdrew her support from Mrs. 
Corner, and had a statement denouncing her printed in the 
Boston Herald. This article intimated that Mrs. Corner 
had received no authority from the Metaphysical College to 
attend confinement cases. 

To THE EDITOR OF THE HEEALD: The lamentable case reported from 
West Medford of the death of a mother and her infant at childbirth 


should forever put a stop to quackery. There has been but one side 
of this case presented by the newspapers. We wait to hear from the 
other side, trusting that attenuating circumstances will be brought to light. 
Mrs. Abby H. Corner never entered the obstetrics class at the Massa 
chusetts Metaphysical College. She was not fitted at this institute for an 
accoucheur, had attended but one term, and four terms, including three 
years of successful practice by the student, are required to complete the 
college course. 11 

The members of the Christian Scientists' Association, in 
the main, felt that Christian Science practice Itself was being 
tried before the courts in the person of Mrs. Corner, and lent 
her their cordial support. Mrs. Corner had incurred an ex 
pense of two hundred dollars in defending her case, and the 
members of the Association wished to pay this out of the 
Association funds, thus distributing the burden among the 
flock. Mrs. Eddy objected to this, ruling that if the members 
wished to aid Mrs. Corner financially, they could do so by 
personal contribution. In the end, however, Mrs. Corner's 
lawyer was paid from the Association treasury. 

Mrs. Eddy's action, if not just, was politic. By repudiating 
Mrs. Corner she averted any reproach which, as a result 
of the scandal, might have attached to Christian Science prac 
tice, and left Mrs. Corner to meet as best she could the con 
sequences of the method she had been taught. But her students 
regarded it as traitorous, and complained bitterly. They re 
membered that while their teacher advocated the practice of 
Christian Science in all cases, and taught them to believe they 
were persecuted if interfered with by the law, she took ample 
care to protect herself, by refusing to take patients for treat- 

" Boston Herald, April 29, 1888. This notice was signed " Committee on 
Publication, Christian Scientists' Association," but it was published without 
the knowledge of the Association and has many of Mrs. Eddy's turns of phrase. 


ment, or even to be consulted on diseases. " We stand the 
brunt and burden of Christian Science," they said, " and Mrs. 
Eddy gets the money and the glory." 

On June 6, 1888, the Christian Scientists' Association held 
a stormy meeting in the old Tremont Temple. At this meeting 
William B. Johnson was elected secretary of the Association, 
Charles A. Troupe having refused to hold the office any longer 
because, he said, attempts had been made to make him change 
the records. At this meeting Mrs. Eddy's conduct in regard 
to Mrs. Corner was severely criticised. Indeed, the discussion 
became very personal, one of the members rising to state that 
Mrs. Eddy had been seen in the act of pulling Mr. Frye about 
by the hair of his head. Mrs. Eddy, who was present, re 
marked: " There is Calvin Frye. "He has a good head of hair; 
let him speak for himself." Mr. Frye, however, sitting in his 
usual imperturbable silence, made no reply. Five weeks later 
he sent out the following explanation in a stylograph letter, 
dated July 14: 

A student and a Free Mason gives out this report of the widow of a 
Free Mason and his hitherto much honoured Teacher, Rev. Mary B. G. 
Eddy, that in a fit of temper she pulled a handful of hair out of my 

About two years ago, I was having much to contend with from the 
attacks of malicious mesmerism, by which the attempt was made to de 
moralise me and through me to afflict Mrs. Eddy. While under one of 
these attacks, my mind became almost a total blank. Mrs. Eddy was alone 
with me at the time, and, calling to me loudly without a response, she saw 
the necessity for prompt action and lifted my head by the forelock, and 
called aloud to rouse me from the paralysed state into which I had 
fallen, this had the desired effect, and I wakened to a sense of where 
I was, my mind wandering, but I saw the danger from which she had 
delivered me and which can never be produced again. This malpractice, 
alias demonology, I have found out, and know that God is my refuge. 
"When ye shall see the abomination of desolation spoken of by Daniel 


the prophet, stand in the holy place, (whoso readeth, let him understand) 
then let them which be in Judea, flee to the mountain," where I have found 
my refuge. 

Fraternally yours, 

C. A. FETE. 

At that meeting at Tremont Temple, Mrs. Eddy saw trouble 
enough ahead. She caused the new secretary, Mr. Johnson, to 
send out a general call to the Association to meet her at the 
college June 14; but, meaning to have matters well arranged 
before that, she sent telegrams to a few of her most zealous 
partisans, asking them to meet at her house on June 9, five 
days before the day set for the general meeting. The telegram 
which she sent to New York read : " Come to the college Satur 
day, June 9th. I will be there. I have a message from God 
that will do you good." When Mrs. Eddy learned that word 
of this first meeting had got out among the members of the 
Association, she sent another telegram to New York, saying: 
" The message will be delivered in Chicago. Go there." (The 
annual convention of the National Association was to convene 
in Chicago June 13, and Mrs. Eddy went there with Mr. John 
son, Mr. Frye, and a number of her faithful students from 

What the rebellious students wanted to do was simply to 
leave the Christian Scientists' Association, but that was not so 
easy as it might seem. There were two by-laws of the Associa 
tion which were very formidable obstacles to withdrawal. They 

Resolved, That every one who wishes to withdraw without reason shall 
be considered to have broken his oath. 
Resolved, That breaking the Christian Scientists' oath is immorality. 


From time to time members had asked to have their names 
withdrawn from the roll of membership, and for that reason 
had been expelled for " immorality." This dissenting faction 
had no mind to risk such dismissal, and, in the absence of Mrs. 
Eddy, and of Mr. Johnson, the secretary, they resorted to 
high-handed measures. Calling at Mr. Johnson's house, they 
persuaded his wife to give them the Association books. These 
they put in the hands of an attorney, and then told Mrs. Eddy 
that the books would not be returned to Mr. Johnson until she 
directed him to give them a letter of honourable dismissal from 
the Association. Mrs. Eddy attempted to patch matters up, 
and had Mr. Johnson send out to all the members a circular 
letter, in which she asked them to meet her and state their 
grievances. This letter reads, in part: 

Our self-sacrificing Teacher, Mrs. Eddy, says: "... After learning 
a little, even, of the good I have achieved and which has been demanded 
and been associated with all of my movements since God commissioned 
me to bring Christian Science into this world of iniquity, they will learn 
how to estimate their [her movements] wisdom instead of traducing 
them. ... At the first special meeting called in behalf of Mrs. Corner 
I was absent, not because unready or unwilling to help her, but that she 
needed no help, and I knew it. I was not at the second special meeting, 
because it was impossible, if I got ready for the trip to Chicago; also I 
wanted this conspiracy to come to the surface, and it has, and now is the 
only time for us to meet in Christian love and adjust this great wrong 
done to one [Mrs. Eddy] who has given all the best of her years to heal 
and bless the whole human family." 

The dissenters, however, stood firm; refused to go to the 
Association meetings or to surrender the books. The matter 
dragged on for about a year, until they finally received their 
letters of dismissal, signed by Mrs. Eddy as president of the 
Association, and William B. Johnson as clerk. Thirty-six 


members withdrew at this time, at least a score of whom had 
been among Mrs. Eddy's most promising practitioners and 
efficient workers. As the entire membership of the Boston 
church was considerably less than two hundred even before these 
thirty-six withdrew, their going made a perceptible decrease 
in the size of Mrs. Eddy's congregation. 




MRS. EDDY, publicly, made little of the fact that she was 
losing support in Boston. " The late much ado about noth 
ing," she writes in the Journal of September, 1888, " arose 
solely from mental malicious practice, and the audible falsehood 
designed to stir up strife between brethren, for the purpose 
of placing Christian Science in the hands of aspirants for place 
and power." In practice, however, she heeded the warning. 
She braced up the course in " Metaphysical Obstetrics " in her 
college by engaging the services of Ebenezer J. Foster, 1 who 
held a degree of Doctor of Medicine, and who had taken a 
course in Christian Science the previous autumn. Dr. Foster 
was to act as Mrs. Eddy's " assistant in obstetrics." The course 
was made longer and the tuition fee was doubled. " Doctor 
Foster," read Mrs. Eddy's announcement in the Journal, " will 
teach the anatomy and surgery of obstetrics, and I, its meta 
physics. The combination of his knowledge of Christian Science 
with his anatomical skill, renders him a desirable teacher in 
this department of my college. In twenty years' practice he 
has not had a single case of mortality at childbirth. . . . Stu- 

1 Who later became her adopted son. See Chapter XX. 



dents will receive the combined instruction of Mrs. Eddy and 
Dr. Foster for $200 tuition." In every direction she strove 
to strengthen her position, to regain her lost ground, and to 
gather new followers. She reiterated her divine right of 
supremacy, she asserted with greater emphasis her command 
of the situation, and she declared with no uncertainty the 
duties of Christian Scientists toward her, giving the Bible as 
her authority. " Students will do well," says the Journal 
(October, 1888) under the head, "Who Hath Ears to Hear, 
let Him Hear," " to bear in mind the Master's warning : ' except 
ye be converted and become as little children, ye shall not 
enter the Kingdom of Heaven.' This Scripture means prac 
tically to each individual to-day all that it implies in its 
relative bearing towards the Truth as Divine Science, and 
towards its rightful Discoverer." 

Christian Scientists were held even more rigidly than before 
to the rule forbidding them to read any but Mrs. Eddy's 
writings on mental healing. This war against heresy was 
carried on too zealously at last, and when the Journal (October, 
1890) admonished beginning students to lay aside the Bible 
for Science and Health? it was felt even by Scientists that 
this was going too far. The Journal also instructed Mrs. 
Eddy's loyal students to burn all forbidden literature. " Burn 
every scrap of ' Christian Science literature,' so-called," it 
said, " except Science and Health, and the publications bearing 

2 "A student," says the Journal, " In the tongue of the world called a 
patient who says to a Scientist, ' I take so much comfort In reading my Bible,' 
if guided wisely, will be answered, ' Let your Bible alone for three months or 
more. Don't open it even, nor think of it, but dig night and day at Science 
and Health.' " 

In response to public criticism concerning these utterances, the Christian 
Science publication committee met and unanimously voted that this sentiment 
was " unauthorised, unwise, and not the thought of our committee." 


the imprint of the Christian Science Publishing Society of 

This red-hot exhortation was brought out by the fact that 
the dissenters of 1888 were now publishing periodicals, bring 
ing out books, and carrying on their work of healing and teach 
ing under the name of Christian Science, exactly as if Mrs. 
Eddy did not exist. Most of them had adopted the policy of 
non-resistance. They kept a neutral attitude toward Mrs. 
Eddy, refused to discuss her or her church, and in their work 
and public utterances they adhered to the rule of excluding 
personalities and keeping close to principle. They no longer 
recognised Mrs. Eddy's favourite doctrine of Malicious Animal 
Magnetism, but dwelt much upon the affirmative principle of 
Good. But they must have missed the inspiring presence and 
influence of their old leader, for after a few years their publica 
tions lagged and most of these " independents " either dropped 
Christian Science definitely or joined the New Thought move 

But, whether Mrs. Eddy realised it or not, sedition among 
the Boston students no longer meant jeopardy to her or to her 
cause. If there was disloyalty in Boston, hundreds of converts 
in New England, the middle West, and the far West waited 
but the word to rally to her support. Christian Science was 
an established faith, and was no longer at the mercy of any 
group of people. It had been established by those indefatigable 
missionaries, the healers ; with Mrs. Eddy always behind them, 
and their devotion to her holding them together, inspiring them 
with one purpose, and enabling them to work for one end. 

After Mrs. Eddy herself, the most remarkable thing about 


Christian Science is its rapid growth. When the National 
Christian Science Association, formed at Mrs. Eddy's house 
in Boston, January 29, 1886, was little more than a year old, 
one hundred and eleven professional healers advertised in the 
pages of the Christian Science Journal and twenty-one acade 
mies and institutes taught Mrs. Eddy's doctrines. 

In April, 1890, the Journal contained the professional cards 
of two hundred and fifty healers, men and women who were 
practising in all parts of the country, and nearly all of whom 
were depending entirely upon their practice for a livelihood. 
Thirty-three academies and institutes were then teaching Chris 
tian Science. These " academies " were very unpretentious 
simply a room in which the teacher met her classes. In some 
institutes there were two teachers ; usually there was but one. 
The " graduates " of these institutions sometimes went on to 
Boston to take a normal course under Mrs. Eddy, but oftener 
they went immediately into practice. By 1890 there were 
twenty incorporated Christian Science churches which an 
nounced their weekly services in the Journal and which met in 
public halls and schoolhouses, while ninety societies not yet 
organised into churches were holding their weekly meetings. 
The first Christian Science church building was dedicated at 
Oconto, Wis., in 1887. 

When Mrs. Eddy established herself in Boston in 1882, 
there was but one Christian Science Church, a feeble society 
of less than fifty members, which had been already shattered 
by dissensions and quarrels. It is certainly very evident that 
such an astonishing growth in the space of eight years can be 
accounted for only by the fact that Mrs. Eddy's religion gave 


the people something they wanted, and that it was presented 
to them in a direct and effective way. " Demonstrate, demon 
strate," was Mrs. Eddy's watchword. " Heal the sick, raise 
the dead, cleanse the lepers, cast out demons." Thus read the 
seal of Mrs. Eddy's college, and such were the instructions 
she gave her students when she sent them out into the field. 
She never took cases herself, but she made her students under 
stand that they were to be proved by works, and by works 
alone, and that if they were children of the new birth at all, 
they must heal. 

To appreciate the work of the healers, one must understand 
something about their preparation. Many of the students who 
left Mrs. Eddy's Metaphysical College and went out to prac 
tise knew much less about physiology, anatomy, and hygiene 
than the average grammar-school boy knows to-day. They 
had not been taught how to tie an artery or to set a 
broken bone, how to take a patient's temperature or how 
to administer the simple antidotes for poisons. Spinsters 
who had never even been present at a confinement went bravely 
out to attend women in childbirth. The healers' instruction 
had been after this manner: 

Tumors, ulcers, tubercles, inflammation, pain, deformed joints, are all 
dream shadows, dark images of mortal thought which will flee before 
the light. 8 

Have no fears that matter can ache, swell, and be inflamed. . . . 
Your body would suffer no more from tension or wounds than would the 
trunk of a tree which you gash, were it not for mortal mind. 4 

A child can have worms if you say so, or any other malady, timorously 
hidden in the beliefs, relative to his body, of those about him. 5 

The treatment of insanity is especially interesting. . . . The argu- 

Science and Health (1906), p. 418. 

* Science and Health (1906), p. 393. 

5 Science and Health (1906), p. 413. 


ments to be used in curing insanity are the same as in other diseases: 
namely, the impossibility that matter, brain, can control or derange the 
mind, can suffer or cause suffering. 8 

If a crisis occurs in your treatment, you must treat the patient less for 
the disease and more for the mental fermentation. 7 

When the unthinking lobster loses his claw, it grows again. If the 
Science of Life were understood, it would be found that the senses of 
Mind are never lost, and that matter has no sensation. Then the human 
limb would be replaced as readily as the lobster's claw. 8 

The healers were recruited from every walk of life school 
teachers, milliners, dressmakers, music-teachers; elocutionists, 
mothers of families, and young women who had been trained 
to no vocation at all. Among the male practitioners they 
were greatly in the minority there were even a few converts 
from the regular schools of medicine, but their contributions 
to the Journal are so disorderly and inexact, and in some cases 
so illiterate, as to indicate that their success in the practice 
of medicine was very questionable. In the first years of her 
college, Mrs. Eddy's consulting physician in instrumental 
surgery was, the reader will remember, Charles J. Eastman, 
afterward imprisoned for criminal practice. There were, how 
ever, among her early practitioners, honest and worthy men. 
One of the most successful of these was Captain Joseph S. 
Eastaman, for many years a leading Christian Science practi 
tioner in Boston, and who is still practising in Cambridge. 

When he went to Mrs. Eddy to lay before her the case of 
his sick wife, Mr. Eastaman had been a sea-captain for twenty- 
one years, having begun his apprenticeship to the sea when 
he was thirteen, as cabin-boy on board an English brig. If 
the old seaman soon became docile like the other men about 

8 Science and Health (1906), p. 414. 
''Science and Health (1906), p. 421. 
8 Science and Health (1906), p. 489. 


Mrs. Eddy he had, at least, learned obedience in a hard and 
manly school. The story of his life at sea, which he contributed 
in several articles to the Christian Science Journal, is a vigor 
ous and sturdy piece of narrative-writing, full of wrecks and 
typhoons and adventures with cannibal tribes, which make his 
subsequent career seem all the more remarkable. Concerning 
his first meeting with Mrs. Eddy in 1884, and his conversion 
to Christian Science, he writes at length. His last voyage, 
from Peru home to Boston, was made for the purpose of joining 
his invalid wife. 

Upon my arrival [he says], I found her much lower than I had supposed, 
and the consultation of physicians immediately secured only made it evident 
that she could not live long. In anxiety and distress, I then added my 
own knowledge of medicine of necessity considerable to have enabled me 
for so many years to care properly for both passengers and crew. . . . 
One evening, as I was sitting hopeless at my wife's bedside, a friend called 
and asked, " Captain, why don't you get a Christian Scientist to treat 
your wife ? " 

The captain visited a healer, and learned for the first time 
of the existence of Mrs. Eddy. He thought, " If the healer 
can do so much, his teacher must heal instantly." In his 
narrative the captain says: 

So, like a drowning man grasping at a straw, with alternating hopes 
and fears besieging me on the way, I went to the college. In answer to 
my request for a personal interview, Mrs. Eddy kindly granted me an 
extended audience, though to my appeal for help she made the gentle 
announcement that she herself did not now take patients. At this my 
heart failed utterly, for I felt that none less than the founder was equal 
to the healing necessary in my case. As I was about to leave, she turned 
to me and said with much earnestness, " Captain, why don't you heal 
your wife yourself? " I stood spellbound. I did not know what to say 
or think. Finally I stammered out, " How can I heal my wife? Have 
I not procured the best medical aid ? What more can I do ? " Gently 
she said, " Learn how to heal." Without hesitation I returned to the 


parlour for particulars. It seemed to me that it must require years of 
studying to learn Christian Science and she whom I was trying to save 
would not long be here. But when I heard that the entire term required 
but three weeks, I gathered courage. In twenty minutes more I had 
arranged to enter a class. 

The captain's wife was averse to his new plan. She was 
unwilling that he should add this tuition fee of several hundred 
dollars to the already heavy expenses of her long illness. More 
over, she was afraid that this Christian Science was some new 
kind of Spiritualism. But the captain never committed himself 
half-way. In that first interview Mrs. Eddy had won him 
completely. He had escaped typhoons and coral reefs and 
cannibal kings, only to arrive at an adventure of the mind 
which was vastly stranger. Into the class he went. He says : 

The class included many highly cultured people, all more or less con 
versant with the rudiments of Christian Science; while I, a sailor, with 
only a seaman's knowledge of the world, and not the faintest inkling of 
the field to be opened up before me, felt very much out of place there. 
To that first and last and most important question " What is God ? " the 
students replied variously. When the question came to me, I stammered 
out, " God is all, with all and in all. Everything that is good and pure." 
The teacher smiled encouragingly as my answers followed one another, 
and I was encouraged to go on. Every day during the term questions were 
asked and answers were made that puzzled me not a little. But to all 
my own simple earnest queries the patient teacher replied clearly and 
satisfactorily. The many laughs enjoyed by the class at my expense did 
not trouble me, therefore, for my teacher knew that I would not profess 
to understand when I did not. The simpler my questions, the more pains 
she took to explain clearly. 

How much was due to my own changed thought I cannot tell, but after 
Christian Science was recognised in our home, even before I entered the 
college, my wife began to recover. As soon as I understood the rudiments, 
I began to treat her, and so quickly did she respond to the treatment 
that she was able to avail herself of the kind invitation of the teacher to 
accompany me to the final session. 

The captain's conversion was a thorough one. He gave up 


his little bit of grog to which he had never been much ad 
dicted and his Havana cigars, of which he had been very fond. 
He began to practise a little among his old friends ship 
owners and sailors. After his wife had fully recovered he 
began to look about for work, and decided to accept an offer 
which had been made him by the Panama Railway Company. 

I accordingly engaged passage to Aspinwall, but on the last day I was 
reminded of a promise made my teacher. I at once wrote her of my 
plans, asking if they were wise, and received immediate counsel not to go. 
Packed and passage taken, here was a dilemma. Still, I was ready to be 
rightly guided, and wrote again asking what I should do. The reply 
came, " Take an office." This certainly was the last thing I should have 
thought of doing, for I could see no way to clear my personal expenses, 
much less meet the added rent of a central location. However, the time 
had come, and the birthright in Christian Science required obedience, even 
though it looked like throwing away time and means. I could not disobey, 
so I set about office-hunting. At first I wished to take a place on trial, 
but a voice kept telling me that I would do better to take a lease for at 
least a year. And it was well I did, for mortal mind soon tried to drive 
me away, and at times apparently only the obligation of the lease held 
me firm. 

Whatever unfortunate examples of the professional healer 
one may have seen, one believes Captain Eastaman when he 
says that in his practice of twenty-two years he has worked 
harder than he ever did at stowing cargoes in the West India 
service. His account of his cures is as straightforward and 
convincing in its style as is his story of his life at sea. No 
one who reads it can doubt that the captain actually believes he 
cured a woman of five tumours on the neck, and a working- 
man of cataract of both eyes. 

The businesslike methods which have always been so con 
spicuous in the operations of the Christian Science Church had 
their effect in its early proselyting. 


The healer had no Board of Missions back of him; he was 
thrown entirely upon his own resources. His income and his 
usefulness to Christian Science alike depended upon the number 
of patients he could attract, interest, influence, and heal. While 
this condition must have had its temptation for the healer 
of not very rugged integrity, it was wonderfully advantageous 
to the cause as a whole. Never, since religions were propa 
gated by the sword, was a new faith advertised and spread in 
such a systematic and effective manner. When the healer went 
to a new town, he had first to create a demand for Christian 
Science treatments, and, if he could demonstrate successfully 
enough to make that demand, not only was his career assured, 
but he had laid the foundation of a future Christian Science 
church. The files of the Journal abound in letters from healers 
which show exactly how this demand was created. 

Take the case of Mrs. Ann M. Otis, a healer at Stanton, 
Mich. She was called to Marquette to treat a young man 
who was suffering from a heavy cold on his lungs. As his 
father and brother had both died from " quick " consumption, 
his mother and sisters were in frantic alarm and his friends 
had already consigned him to go the way of his family. Under 
Mrs. Otis' treatment he recovered. The cure was noised about 
the town by his grateful relatives, and so many patients poured 
in upon the healer that she had to remain there for weeks. 

Wherever the new religion went, it had the advantage of 
novelty. It was much talked about, was discussed at social 
gatherings and in women's clubs. Josephine Tyter, a healer 
at Richmond, Ind., writes in the Journal, September, 1888: 

" It is one year next month since I came to Richmond. I 


knew no one here, and no one knew me. Christian Science 
they knew nothing of. People thought they did not want 
it. I knew they did, but they could not see in dark 
ness. The physicians paid but little attention to me at 
first, but now they are thoroughly aroused. At the regular 
meeting of the Tuesday Evening Literary Club, to which all 
the high order of minds of Richmond are supposed to belong, 
one of the physicians of this city read a paper on Christian 
Science." Miss Tyter then relates her own success, enumerat 
ing among her cures cases of the delusions of pregnancy, 
nervous prostration, lung and brain fever. She says, " Have 
had some fine cases of spinal curvature," and tells how she 
brought one man " out of a plaster cast into Truth." 

Mrs. A. M. Rigby, a school-teacher at Bloomington, 111., 
writes that her health, broken down by many years of service 
in the schoolroom, was restored by Christian Science, and that 
she then began to practise. When she had eighty cases, she 
resigned from her school, and for two years she has had from 
twenty-five to fifty new cases a month. 

Emma A. Estes, a healer at Grandledge, Mich., writes ex 
ultantly of her trip to Newark : " My stay of three days 
lengthened into one of three weeks, and I was kept busy 
every day. Had forty-nine patients, and found my work 
greatly blessed. . . . Mother joins me in sending love, and 
adds, ' May God bless dear Mrs. Eddy for her kindness to 
my own little girl.' ' 

Mrs. Harriet N. Cordwell, Berlin Falls, N. H., writes that 
she has but recently become a healer, has healed one case of 
spinal trouble in sixteen absent treatments, a case of scrofula 


in thirteen treatments, case of lame back (fifteen years' stand 
ing), one treatment, etc. 

L. W. P. writes from Piqua, Ohio, that over three hundred 
cases were treated within five months by an incoming healer, 
that four classes were organised for the study of Science and 
Health, and a Christian Science Sunday-school organised 
(July, 1890). 

Ella B. Fluno, a healer then in Lexington, Ky,, writes that 
she was painlessly delivered of a child, got up the next day 
and did her housework, carried water from the well and walked 
on the icy sidewalk in low slippers. She did not have the 
blinds in her bedroom lowered, and the sun shone daily in the 
baby's eyes, with no ill effects. 

Some of these communications from healers are extremely 
entertaining, attesting to the efficacy of Christian Science in 
increasing the patient's worldly prosperity, and giving examples 
of how " demonstration " may be made useful in despatching 
housework. One woman writes: 

My husband came from the stable one morning with word that a valued 
four-year-old colt had got into the oats-bin, had been eating all night, and 
was as " tight as a drum." I met the error's claim with an emphatic mental 
denial. ... As soon as possible, though not immediately, I went to 
the barn-yard, laid my hand on the horse's head, and said in an audible 
voice: "You are God's horse; for all that is He made and pronounced 
perfect. You cannot overeat, have colic, or be foundered, for there is 
no power in material food to obstruct or interfere with the perfect health, 
activity, and freedom of all that is real and spiritual." . . . Previous 
to my treatment he stood with head down and short, rapid breathing. 
At noon he was all right, and I am delighted to know how to realise for 
the good of animals. 

In the healer's effort to arouse interest and get business in 
a new field there can be no doubt that he was sometimes over" 


zealous and disregarded those uninspiring facts of which mortal 
mind must still take account. The more conservative and 
honest workers felt the bad effects of these extreme methods, 
and in the Journal of June, 1892, one healer writes: 

All healers have some instantaneous cures, but if we mention only these, 
does it not imply that we have no lingering cases? I call to mind a lady 
Scientist who wanted to make an impression in a new field where she 
hoped to get business. After talking of the many wonderful cures which 
she had effected, she added that she herself was cured in three treatments 
of a lifelong malady. Now, while that was substantially correct, the 
shadows of her belief [symptoms of her illness] were not wholly effaced 
for over two years, and this was known to others in Science. Would it 
not have been better had the Scientist qualified her statement as to the 
time required? 

Do not Scientists make a mistake in conveying the impression, or, what 
is the same thing, letting an impression go uncorrected, that those in 
Science are never sick, that they never have any ailments or troubles to 
contend with? There is no Scientist who at all times is wholly exempt 
from aches and pains or from trials of some kind. Neither pride of knowl 
edge nor practice nor the good of the cause require that Scientists disguise 
or withhold these facts. 

The question of the compensation which it was proper for 
the healer and teacher to receive was, from time to time, dis 
cussed in the Journal. At the various institutes and academies 
where Christian Science was taught, the charge for a term of 
lessons was from one to two hundred dollars. The healer's 
usual charge was a dollar a treatment, or daily treatments at 
five dollars a week. 

One healer writes, May, 1890: "To allow the patient to 
decide the price would certainly be unselfish on the part of the 
healer. But such laxity might allow selfishness with the pa 

Another practitioner protests that the customary fee is too 
little : " It is a low plane of thought," he says, " that goes 


through the community and itself erects a barrier against gen 
erosity or even fair compensation. The Science is lowered in 
the public estimation, the healer humiliated, if not weakened, 
and the chances of success in doing good greatly lessened. 
Selfishness still remains to imprison the patient unless his 
thought, in this, as in other directions, be changed." 

Mrs. Buswell, a healer at Beatrice, Neb., was once summoned 
before the court under charge of practising medicine unlawfully. 
She objected that her treatments were in the nature of a 
religious exercise and did not come under the jurisdiction of 
the medical laws of the state. When, upon question, she ad 
mitted that she accepted money for these treatments, the 
judge cited to her the reply of Peter to Simon the sorcerer: 
" Thy money perish with thee, because thou hast thought that 
the gift of God may be purchased with money." But the Chris 
tian Scientist's God is not at all the God of Christian theology. 
He is, as Mrs. Eddy ceaselessly reiterates, Principle. There 
was really no more irreverence in Mrs. Buswell's realising the 
Allness of God for money than there would have been in her 
realising the truth of a proposition of Euclid. 

Every patient healed was practically a new Christian Scien 
tist made. If he were to keep well he must do so by studying 
Science and Health. The new converts always became imme 
diately estranged from their old church associates, and very 
often from their oldest friends. They met together at one 
another's houses to discuss Christian Science and to hold serv 
ices. These circles were, indeed, very much like that first one 
which used to meet in Mrs. Damon's parlour in Lynn. As soon 
as such groups of believers were able to do so, they formed a 


society and held regular Sunday "services in a schoolhouse or 
public hall. If this society grew and prospered, which it was 
almost sure to do, it became an incorporated church. A Chris- 
tion Science reading-room was often established, where Mrs. 
Eddy's works and copies of the Journal might be obtained. 
If a community happened to be slow in taking up the new 
faith, the missionaries sometimes attributed public disasters to 
the prevalence of Error over Truth. One worker in an un 
toward field writes in the Journal of November, 1890: 

The result of their closed eyes and ears has been demonstrated in a 
startling railroad accident and sudden deaths in our midst. On the night 
of the fourteenth a cloudburst caused a deluge o\ destruction of property in 
the lower streets of this village and imperilled many lives. Just now is a 
favourable time for work. 

While the growth of Christian Science must be attributed 
primarily to its stimulating influence upon the sick and dis 
contented, the low vitality of the orthodox churches undoubtedly 
facilitated its advance. Mrs. Eddy's teachings brought the 
promise of material benefits to a practical people, and the 
appeal of seeming newness to a people whose mental recreation 
was a feverish pursuit of novelty. In the West, especially, 
where every one was absorbed in a new and hard-won material 
prosperity, the healer and teacher met with an immediate re 
sponse. This religion had a message of cheer for the rugged 
materialist as well as for the morbid invalid. It exalted health 
and self-satisfaction and material prosperity high among the 
moral virtues indeed, they were the evidences of right living, 
the manifestations of a man's " at-oneness " with God. Chris 
tian Science had no rebuke for riches ; it bade man think always 
of life, of his own worthiness and security, just as the old re- 


ligions had bidden him remember death and be mindful of his 
unworthiness and insecurity. It contributed to the general 
sense of self-satisfaction and well-being which already charac 
terised a new and thrifty society. 

Probably Mrs. Eddy herself was not aware of the headway 
which her sect had made until she attended the third annual 
convention of the National Christian Scientists' Association, 
held at Chicago in June, 1888. Mrs. Eddy went on from 
Boston, personally attended by Mr. Frye and Ebenczer J. 
Foster, who was soon to become her son by adoption. Croud, 
of Mrs. Eddy's Western followers here for the first time beheld 
her, as they put it, " face to face," and she achieved a most 
gratifying personal triumph. 

This was the first and last annual convention Mrs. Eddy 
ever attended, and a coup de theatre could scarcely have been 
better planned. On the morning of June 13, Mrs. Eddy de 
livered an address to an audience of more than three thousand 
people, eight hundred of whom were Christian Science delegates. 
When she stepped upon the platform the entire audience rose 
and cheered her. 

Her address, which is said to have thrilled every listener 
and which was termed " pcntecostal," seems, at this distance, 
rather below Mrs. Eddy's average. She closed with the follow 
ing tribute to her church militant: 

Christian Science and Christian Scientists will, must, have a history; 
and if I could write the history in poor parody on Tennyson's grand verse, 
it would read thus: 

" Traitors to right of them, 
M.D.'s to left of them, 
Priestcraft in front of them, 

Volleyed and thundered i 


Into the jaws of hate, 

Out through the door of love, 

On to the blest above 

Marched the one hundred." 

Such sentiments as these wrought her audience to a feverish 
pitch of excitement. A letter to the Boston Traveller, after 
ward reprinted in the Christian Science Journal, thus described 
the outburst of feeling which followed Mrs. Eddy's address: 

The scenes that followed when she had censed speaking will long be 
remembered by those who witnessed them. The people were In the presence 
of the woman whose book hud healed them, and they knew it. Up they 
came in crowds to her side, begging one hand-clasp, one look, one memorial 
from her whose name was a power and a sacred thing in their homes. 
Those whom she had never seen before invalids raised up by her book, 
" Science and Health " attempted to hurriedly tell the wonderful story. 

A mother who failed to get near her held high her babe to look on 
their helper. Others touched the dress of their benefactor, not so much 
as asking for more. 

An aged woman, trembling with palsy, lifted her shaking hands at Mrs. 
Kddy's feet, crying, "Help, help!" and the cry was answered. Many 
sueh people were known to go away healed. Strong men turned aside to 
hide Ic.-irs, as Hie people thronged to Mrs. Kddy willi blessings and thanks. 

Meekly and almost silently, she received all this homage from the 
multitude, until slie \v:is led away from the plaee, tlie throng hloeUing her 
passage from the door to the carriage. 

What wonder If the thoughts of those present went back to eighteen 
hundred years ago, when the healing power was manifested through the 
personal Jesus? 

Can the cold critic, harsh opposer, or disbeliever in Christian Science call 
up any other like picture through all these centuries? 

What was the Pentecostal hour but this same dawning of God's allness 
and oneness, and His supremacy manifested in gifts of healing and speaking, 
"\vilh tongues"? Let history declare of Mary Eddy what were the 
blessings and power which she brought. 

It was while Mrs. Eddy was thus making material for legend 
in Chicago that " conspiracy " was afoot in Boston, and the 
enthusiastic writer just quoted was forced to take this into 


account, and to add : " Is there no similarity between the past 
and present records of Christ, Truth, entering into Jerusalem, 
and the betrayal? Is the bloodthirsty tyranny of animal 
magnetism the Veil of the Temple, which is to be rent from top 
to bottom? " 





IN 1888 George Washington Glover, Mrs. Eddy's long- 
absent son, the child of her first marriage, came to spend a 
winter in Boston. He brought with him from the West his 
wife and four children, and took a house in Chelsea. Although 
his relations with his mother at that time seem to have been 
amicable, they were certainly not of a very close or confidential 
nature. While Mr. Glover was in Boston his mother's business 
affairs were still conducted by Mr. Frye, and the son was a 
far from conspicuous figure in her daily life. He was not a 
member of her household or of her church, and took no part 
in her great religious enterprise. Mr. Glover and his family 
were first publicly introduced to Mrs. Eddy's followers in 
December, at a fair given by the Christian Scientists. On 
this occasion the Glovers were cordially welcomed by Mrs. 
Eddy's friends, and the resemblance of the daughter Mary 
Baker Glover, to her grandmother was the subject of general 
comment throughout the evening. At a late hour Mrs. Eddy 
herself appeared to grace the fair, and when she entered the 
hall the orchestra began to play Mendelssohn's wedding march, 
to symbolise, so the Journal explains, Mrs. Eddy's " indis 
soluble union with Truth." 



Mr. Glover's prolonged stay in Chelsea seems not to have 
brought him and his mother any closer together, for, almost 
immediately after his return to the West, Mrs. Eddy adopted 
a son who was presumably more to her liking. 

Ebenezer Johnson Foster was a man of forty-one when 
Mrs. Eddy adopted him, and she herself was then in her sixty- 
eighth year. Dr. Foster was a homoeopathic physician who had 
been practising his profession at Waterbury Center, a little 
mountain town in Vermont. Like most of Mrs. Eddy's dis 
ciples, he had led a quiet, uneventful life until he came under 
her influence. As a boy of fifteen he had enlisted in the Union 
Army and had served for three years. Later he was gradu 
ated from the Hahnemann Medical College in Philadelphia. 

Dr. Foster first heard of Christian Science through William 
Clark, an old army comrade who believed that his health had 
been restored through his study of Mrs. Eddy's book. Dr. 
Foster decided to investigate this new system of healing, and, 
in the autumn of 1887, when he went to Boston to pay a visit 
to an old aunt, he called at Mrs. Eddy's house in Columbus 
Avenue and an interview was granted. The first impressions 
on both sides were very agreeable. Mrs. Eddy was more than 
eager to enlist the sympathies of " the M.D.'s," as she termed 
physicians, and she saw in Dr. Foster the tractable kind of 
man she was always looking for. She lavished her most 
gracious manner upon him, and he was led away captive in 
the first interview. It seemed to Dr. Foster that Mrs. Eddy 
was very like his own mother ; that she was full of gentleness and 
sympathy and affection. She told him that she wished him to 
become her student, and he entered her class the following day. 


After completing his course at Mrs. Eddy's Metaphysical 
College, Dr. Foster returned to Waterbury Center and resumed 
the practice of homoeopathy, experimenting more or less with 
the Christian Science method of healing, and industriously 
reading Science and Health. In the following May he received 
an urgent letter from Mrs. Eddy requesting him to attend the 
National Convention of the Christian Scientists' Association, 
which was to meet at Chicago in June. Because of division 
and discord in the Boston church, Mrs. Eddy, foreseeing serious 
trouble, was strengthening her position by every possible means, 
and was ascertaining, in one way and another, which of her 
students could be depended upon in case of an emergency. Dr. 
Foster was easily persuaded to go to Chicago. After the 
convention adjourned and Mrs. Eddy returned to Boston, he 
went to visit his brother in Wisconsin. There he soon received 
a telegram from his teacher, bidding him come at once to 
Boston. Before he could start, another telegram from her 
told him not to come. Soon afterward he received a letter 
urging him to come at once. 

When Dr. Foster arrived at Mrs. Eddy's new house in Com 
monwealth Avenue, July 4, 1888, he was at a loss to know just 
why she had sent for him, except that the recent schism in the 
Boston church, resulting in the withdrawal of thirty-six mem 
bers, had left her short of active workers. 

Mrs. Eddy soon made it known to him, however, that he 
was to be a teacher in her college, and she duly installed him 
as professor of obstetrics. 1 She took great comfort in Dr. 
Foster's presence in the house and began to feel that from 

1 See Chapter XIX. 


him she might hope for the unquestioning obedience and per 
petual adoration she was always seeking. She loved to amaze 
and astonish ; when her students ceased to " wonder," she was 
usually through with them. Each of her favourites gave her, 
as it were, a new lease of life; with each one her interest in 
everything quickened. The great outside audience meant very 
little as compared with the pliant neophyte beside her chair 
or across the table from her. It was when Mrs. Eddy was 
weaving her spell about a new favourite that she was at her 
best, and it was then that she most believed in herself. But 
she could never stop with enchanting, merely. She must alto 
gether absorb the new candidate; he must have nothing left 
in him which was not from her. If she came upon one insoluble 
atom hidden away anywhere in the marrow of his bones, she 
experienced a revulsion and flung him contemptuously aside. 

Dr. Foster had been in the house but a little while when 
Mrs. Eddy told him she foresaw that the relation between them 
must be a very close one. This announcement somewhat dis 
concerted him, until she explained that it was her intention 
to adopt him as her son. In her petition to the Court, Mrs. 
Eddy stated that " said Foster is now associated with your 
petitioner in business, home life, and life work, and she needs 
such interested care and relationship." On the 5th of Novem 
ber, 1888, accordingly, Dr. Foster's legal name became Ebenezer 
J. Foster Eddy. 

The new son was a small man with an affectionate disposition, 
gentle, affable manners, and very small, well-kept hands. He 
had certain qualities which Mrs. Eddy had always found de 
sirable in those who were closely associated with her. He never 


offered Mrs. Eddy advice, never interfered with her wishes, 
never questioned her wisdom or demurred to her projects as 
even Mr. Frye was sometimes known to do. He says to-day 
that he cannot remember ever having crossed his adopted mother 
in anything. If he had planned to go up to Waterbury Center 
to visit his father, for instance, and Mrs. Eddy told him to 
unpack his bag and stay at home, he did so without so much 
as a question, and preserved a cheerful countenance. 

When Foster Eddy settled himself in his new home at 385 
Commonwealth Avenue, he found that not all of Mrs. Eddy's 
friends were so kindly disposed toward him as was his mother. 
At this time Miss Julia Bartlett, Captain Eastaman, Josephine 
Woodbury, William B. Johnson, Mrs. Augusta Stetson, Frank 
Mason, and Marcellus Munroe constituted a kind of executive 
staff for Mrs. Eddy, and the new son felt confident that several 
of these persons had attempted to prevent his adoption from 
motives of self-interest. If Mrs. Eddy were going to adopt 
any one, why not one of her trusted and tried rather than a 
comparative stranger? From the day of his installation as 
the son of the house, Foster Eddy felt that Mrs. Eddy's cabinet 
was jealous of his influence over her, of her affection for him, 
of his musical accomplishments and his winning manners, and 
of his efforts to bring sunshine into his new home. 

Mr. Frye went his silent, inscrutable way, keeping a wary 
eye upon the new favourite. Frye was little about the house 
in those days. When he was not doing his marketing he was 
usually to be found in his own room, waiting for orders and 
working at his accounts. Although he seems to have been 
scrupulously honest, he was a poor bookkeeper. Mrs. Eddy 


often took him to task harshly for this fault, and it was the 
cause of many a scene between them. She now threatened 
to take the accounts altogether out of his hands and give 
them to her new son, but as often as she decided upon this step 
she as often changed her mind, and in the end the books re 
mained in the keeping of Mr. Frye. He probably knew that 
Mrs. Eddy trusted him in so far as she could trust any one, 
but that it was necessary for her to have grievances and to 
break into thunder-storms about them. Every one had to take 
his turn at standing up under these cataclysms of nerves ; 
if it were not Mr. Frye, then it was some one else, and the 
new son was soon having his occasional bad day like the 

Mrs. Lydia Roaf, Mr. Frye's sister, was Mrs. Eddy's cook 
at this time, but she and her brother had little to say to each 
other. Miss Martha Morgan acted as housekeeper. She had 
come from Maine to study under Mrs. Eddy and had stayed 
to help with the housework. Foster Eddy's duties were mani 
fold, but were chiefly in the nature of personal services to 
Mrs. Eddy. He went about town on errands to her publishers 
and printers ; addressed meetings which she could not attend ; 
wrote some of her letters for her ; saw visitors when she was 
indisposed ; sometimes took a drive with her ; kept her desk 
in order; played and sang for her when she was in a pensive 
mood. Mrs. Eddy liked her son to appear with some dis 
tinction when he went out to represent her. In winter he usually 
wore a long fur-lined coat, and Mrs. Eddy later bought him 
a diamond solitaire for his little finger. Since he had to speak 
occasionally in public, Mrs. Eddy sent him to the Boston School 


of Oratory to learn the use of the voice. She called him 
" Bennie " and he addressed her as " mother." 

Dr. Foster Eddy was sometimes called upon to attend Mrs. 
Eddy in her illnesses, and he, like the other members of the 
household, spent his spare moments in treating her against 
that old foe, malicious animal magnetism, which was always 
infesting the house. He also made himself useful about the 
house, and sometimes helped Miss Morgan with the dishes. 

When Mrs. Eddy had a bad day, Dr. Foster's new home was 
a difficult place to live in, but the storms were usually for 
gotten in the smiles and calm which followed. Mrs. Eddy 
could be the most agreeable of hostesses and of mothers when 
she chose, and from the days when she told a young man of 
Swampscott that if she could put on canvas her ideal of Jesus 
Christ the face would look like his, she never underestimated 
the human appetite for flattery. She could unblushingly refer 
to the " touch of fairy fingers " or the " music of footfalls," 
and could deliver the most threadbare euphuisms with a smile 
that warmed the heart of the recipient and covered him with 
foolish happiness. After having fretted herself to sleep the 
night before, she would sometimes arise in a mood almost beatific, 
and would greet the object of yesterday's invective with a 
benediction and a smile. In such a humour she would promise 
the pardoned offender a larger place in her life and a greater 
control of her affairs, telling him that he, more than any one 
else, had understood the true meaning of her teachings and 
the real significance of her life, and that she must perforce 
look to him to carry on her great work after her. It was the 
same old story that Mrs. Eddy had breathed to Spofford, 


Arens, and Buswell, each in his turn, but to the eager listener 
it was always new. 

By the spring of 1889 Mrs. Eddy had come to a crisis in her 
affairs. In spite of the brave fight she was making against 
those who had gone out from the church, and whom she chose 
to consider her enemies, she began to show the wear and strain 
of the eight preceding years. She had now reached the age 
of sixty-eight, the trembling palsy which affected her head 
and hands was growing more pronounced, and her fear of 
mesmerism amounted to a mania. Yet now, more than ever 
before, there was work for her to do. It was a critical moment 
in the history of her church. The movement was spreading 
rapidly, and new problems, incident to the growth of Christian 
Science, were presenting themselves for solution. In nearly 
every state the healers were coming into conflict with the 
law and public opinion, and her followers everywhere needed 
advice and direction. The " conspiracy " which had come to 
light the year before had shown her that the Boston church 
was not so completely under her control as she had believed, 
and she determined that something should be done to insure 
her domination of it in the future. 

Mrs. Eddy had decided, too, to revise Science and Health, 
and to get out a new edition. In Boston her work was subject 
to continual interruption, and she was often irritated beyond 
endurance by the people about her. Mrs. Woodbury and Mrs. 
Stetson, in particular, had begun to wear upon her. Although 
Mrs. Stetson's success in building up the church organisation 
in New York made her indispensable, Mrs. Eddy distrusted her 
and was annoyed as well as pleased at her progress. Soon 


after Mrs. Eddy adopted Dr. Foster, Mrs. Stetson took a 
young man from Maine, Carol Norton, to occupy a somewhat 
similar position in her household, although she did not legally 
adopt him. When Mrs. Eddy heard of this, she exclaimed 
with vexation, " See how Stetson apes me ! " She also made 
a new by-law forbidding " illegal adoption." 2 

This was the situation when Mrs. Eddy suddenly left Boston, 
driven from home, so she declared, by malicious mesmerism. 
The fear of it had for a long time completely dominated her, 
and it was now interfering seriously with her work in the college 
and church. She spent her time in talking about it ; in treating 
and fighting against it, and in discovering and thwarting 
imaginary plots. She felt it reaching out to her, not only 
from her enemies, but from her most trusted students and 
friends. She believed she could see it in their faces. As she 
once bitterly remarked to Mrs. Hopkins, " You are so full of 
mesmerism that your eyes stick out like a boiled codfish's." 

She had never loved any one so well that she could not, in 
a moment of irritation, believe him guilty, not only of disloyalty, 
but of theft, knavery, blackmail, or abominable corruption. 
She could never feel sure of even the ordinary decencies of 
conduct in her friends. All the suspicion, envy, and incontinent 
distrust which so often blazed in Mrs. Eddy's eyes seemed 
to have found a concrete and corporeal expression in this thing, 

The delusion of persecution grew upon her, and she believed 
that she was watched and spied upon. Her mail, her clothes, 

2 Illegal Adoption. Sect. 3. No person shall be a member of this church who 
claims a spiritually adopted child ; or a spiritually adopted husband or wife. 
There must be legal adoption or legal marriage, which can be verified according 
to the laws of our land. Church Manual, 1904. 


her house, her friends, and even inanimate objects she thought 
were infected with mesmerism and made hostile to her. 
Throughout the winter and spring she complained continually 
to her adopted son that Boston was so full of mesmerism that 
it was choking her, and that she must escape from it. Her 
one thought now was " flight " to get away from the Boston 
Christian Scientists and to a place where she could prosecute 
her work and carry out her plans without interference or in 
terruption. She talked of going to Cincinnati or Pittsburgh, 
but at last she threw deliberation to the winds and announced 
one morning that she must go immediately somewhere, any 

Foster Eddy knew of a furnished house which was to be let 
in Barre, Vt., and thither he conducted Mrs. Eddy, with Mr. 
Frye and the women of the household Lydia Roaf was no 
longer one of them, having fallen ill and gone home to die. 
When Mrs. Eddy arrived at Barre, new troubles awaited her. 
The town band customarily played of an evening in the square 
before her house, and although she sent Mr. Frye out to 
request the band boys to desist, they refused to do so. Conse 
quently Mrs. Eddy packed up and returned to Boston. A 
few months later she was up and away again, this time moving 
into a furnished house at 62 State Street, Concord, N. H. 
She found no peace here, and sent Dr. Foster out to look for 
some place that should be a certain distance from the post-office, 
telegraph-office, express-office, etc. She wanted to be well out 
of reach of these, and yet be not too far from Boston. Dr. 
Foster canvassed the suburbs of that city and found a de 
sirable house and garden for sale in Roslindale. The owner 


asked a price considerably above the market value, but Mrs. 
Eddy paid it, declaring that mesmerism was again at work, 
trying to keep her out of her own, and that she would have 
the property at any price. Dr. Foster was sent back to 
Commonwealth Avenue to pack her furniture and move it out 
to Roslindale. The new house was scarcely settled when Mrs. 
Eddy, believing that her neighbours were mesmerised, went 
back to Concord. Here she lived again at No. 62 State Street, 
until she moved into the house which she named Pleasant View, 
and in which she lived until January, 198. 

In retiring to Concord, Mrs. Eddy had no idea of loosing 
her hold upon Christian Science, or of resigning her leadership. 
It is very doubtful if, when she went away in the spring of 
1889, she meant to leave Boston for good. After that date 
she made alterations in her Commonwealth Avenue house, and 
the fact that she had the walls of her own room there pulled 
out and interlined with a substance which would deaden sound 
and make the room absolutely quiet, seems to indicate that 
she intended to return there to live. But in going from Boston, 
Mrs. Eddy was acting, as always, upon the urgent need of the 
moment. For the present it was imperative that she should 
be free from the hot-bed of mesmerism in Boston, both for her 
own peace of mind, and in order to do what was before her ; and 
although her retirement to Concord proved most fortunate in 
its general results, Mrs. Eddy, in going, was probably not 
concerned at the moment with anything but her own security 
and convenience. It was apparently not until she had left 
the city and had become more inaccessible to her students and 
followers, that she realised how greatly her administrative 


life in Boston had taxed her strength. For years she had com 
plained of the anguish of meeting people ; she believed that her 
students, and even strangers, left the burden of their ills and 
sorrows with her when they went out from her presence, and 
she suffered excruciatingly from the nervous excitement pro 
duced by even the most casual social intercourse. From this 
time on her dread of crowds and her distress at meeting people 
increased and she became gradually more and more inaccessible. 






MRS. EDDY'S retreat from the centre of Christian Science 
activities was the first step, as will be seen, in the new policy 
toward which she was slowly feeling her way. From her point 
of view it was wise to let Christian Science in Boston lie fallow 
for a time; to allow the plots and counterplots of the factions 
composing the remnant of her church to die out ; and to secure 
for herself peace, and time to decide what next should be done. 
There is no doubt that during her visit to Chicago the year 
before, her eyes were opened to the strength of the general 
movement of Christian Science, and that it was in the larger 
field, and not in the local Boston church, that Mrs. Eddy now 
saw her opportunity. 

Mrs. Eddy retired from the editorship of the Christian Sci 
ence Journal, May, 1889. 

In announcing Mrs. Eddy's retirement, the Journal of that 
date says: 

... As our dear mother in God withdraws herself from our 
midst, and goes up into the Mount for higher communings, to show us 
and the generations to come the way to our true consciousness in God, 



let us honour Him and keep silence; let us keep from her and settle 
among ourselves or with God for ourselves, the small concerns for which 
we have looked to her. 

At about this time, Mrs. Eddy also gave up teaching. It 
was with great reluctance that she closed her college, and here 
again she felt her way to a final decision. The first plan was 
that she merely give up active teaching, and remain president 
of the institution, while her adopted son succeeded her as in 
structor. She gave this arrangement a trial 1 , but soon an 
nounced that, as the demand was for her own instruction ex 
clusively, she would close the college altogether. In the late 
summer of 1889 Mrs. Eddy again reconsidered, and announced 
that General Erastus N. Bates of Cleveland would reopen the 
college and conduct the classes. General Bates, who was a 
healer and preacher in his own city, gave up his practice there 
and came on to Boston to take up Mrs. Eddy's work. No 
sooner had he begun than Mrs. Eddy again changed her mind, 
and in less than a month after General Bates arrived she closed 
the college, despite his earnest protest. 

Mrs. Eddy next disorganised the Association. At her re 
quest it was voted " to set aside the official organisation and 
the constitution and by-laws of the Massachusetts Metaphysical 
College Association, and to meet in the future as a voluntary 
association of Christians to promote growth in spirituality." 
The Journal, in its announcement, continues : " What was em 
braced under the name of * business ' was thus dispensed with. 
Nothing valuable of the purposes of the organisation had been 
lost and a new realisation that all is mind and of union in love 
had been gained." The effect of this disorganisation, the 
Journal said, would be " to lift them from the material sensual 


plane to that of voluntary association or love," and to eliminate 
" rivalry, jealousy, envy, and stir of personality." 

While she was moving about and experimenting, Mrs. Eddy 
was also engaged in preparing the new edition of Science and 
Health, which appeared in 1891; and her chief difficulty in 
getting the book on the market was, as always, mesmerism. 
She had fled from Boston to escape it, but it was ever on her 
track and it throve in Concord as well as in Boston and Ver 
mont and Roslindale. The ordinary delays which occur in the 
best-regulated of pressrooms and binderies, she attributed di 
rectly to the results of malicious animal magnetism, and that 
eminently reliable and decorous establishment, the University 
Press, was supposed to have been given over to the riotous 
disorders of demonology. Mrs. Eddy set half a dozen of her 
students to treating the pressmen and binders against errors 
and delays, and wrote out an argument for them to use in 
their treatments. The veteran printer, Mr. John Wilson him 
self, she assigned, for especial treatment, to her son, E. J. 
Foster Eddy. The letter in which Mrs. Eddy issued instruc 
tions that the treatments upon the press were to begin, was 
written to Dr. Foster Eddy, and reads as follows: 

Jan. 13, 385 Commonwealth Avenue. 

MY DEAREST OXE: Please to go at once to Miss Bartlett and give her 
the directions inclosed. See Capt. Eastaman and give him the same. 
After writing out sufficient copies, distribute them as follows: 

To Capt. Eastaman, Miss Bartlett; for Mrs. Munroe; Press and Bindery, 
for Mr. Johnson, Mr. Knapp, Mrs. Knapp. 

You keep Mr. Wilson, the printer of Cambridge, under your care alone. 
Also the Mr. Wilson, or proprietor, whoever he is, in Boston, who manages 
the bindery, under your care only. You know they cannot be made sick 
for printing and binding God's book, and you must show your faith by 
works in this instance. 


Attached to this letter is a sheet of manuscript in Mrs. 
Eddy's handwriting, which reads: 


Nothing can hinder the book, Science and Health, from being published 
immediately. The press and machinery that publish this book and all who 
work on it in the press and bindery are safe in God's hands, they cannot 
be and are not governed by hatred. They are governed, upheld and 
prospered by Love and the book is coming out rapidly. When the book 
goes to the bindery then stop the press aid and turn all their force there. 

Tell each one that I say by no means take up the mesmerists or any 
personality, but to have faith in God and this will do it all just as the 
prayer asks. 

Your personal work for the Wilsons must be done as I have taught 
you, to help them, and not touch others. 

If I or Mr. Frye write or telegraph to you then you must stop at once 
the student's argument. You understand this, do you not? 

The last sentence in Mrs. Eddy's instructions seems to imply 
that it was possible to over-treat the pressroom, and that it 
might be necessary to stop the treatments at any time. Just 
what the results of over-treatment might be, it is difficult to 
conjecture, but from another letter to Dr. Foster it is evident 
that Mrs. Eddy thought the treatments had been too vigorous 
and had thrown everything into confusion: 


I have just found what did (but did not) * produce a temporary tempest 
here. It was the help you procured on the Press ! Never, never put 
" new wine into old bottles." 

Those persons named are utterly incapable of handling the Red Dragon." 
They can command serpents but not the last species. 

At once dismiss your help and confine your treatment to the Proprietor 

Mr. W and electricity take no other personality into thought but the 

ones employed at the Press. 

All is God, Good there is no evil. 

* Mrs. Eddy's contradictory statement means that the confusion was not 
real because all is God and discord has no part in God. A " tempest " was 
produced In " belief " but not in reality. The sentence is peculiarly illustrative 
of her philosophy. One is (but is not) ill, exhausted, melancholy, etc., etc. 

2 Mesmerism. 


It was in the early autumn of 1889 that Mrs. Eddy con 
ceived the idea that malicious animal magnetism was interfering 
with the proper conduct of the Christian Science Journal. 
She sent one morning for Mr. William G. Nixon, publisher of 
the Journal, and directed him to take the magazine and flee 
with it at once into some other city; if he stayed in Boston 
a month longer, she declared, mesmerism would wreck the 
periodical. Mr. Nixon tried to explain to her the difficulties 
of picking up a periodical and " fleeing " with it between pub 
lication days, when no preparatory arrangements had been 
made and no new location selected. But Mrs. Eddy was im 
movable. In business disputes Mrs. Eddy had always one 
argument which none of her associates could hope to equal : she 
would draw up her shoulders, look her opponent in the eye, 
and say, very slowly, " God has directed me in this matter. 
Have you anything further to say?" Mr. Nixon naturally 
wished to remain in Boston; he had brought his family there 
from Dakota, and his contract with his printer was unex- 
pired. But there was nothing to be gained by arguing with 
Mrs. Eddy ; and there was no time to be lost if he was to find 
a new location for his business in time to get out the next 
month's Journal. He went to Philadelphia, where he at length 
found a suitable office and a printer who would undertake to 
get the magazine out on time. Just as he was about to close 
the contract, he received a telegram from Mrs. Eddy telling 
him to bring the Journal back to Boston at once. 

In directing the Journal's policy, Mrs. Eddy was never afraid 
to change her mind, and often repudiated to-day what she had 
yesterday advanced as divine revelation. On one occasion 


she wrote to Mr. Nixon that God had directed her to recom 
mend a certain candidate for the editorship of the Journal: 

385 Commonwealth Ave. 

BOSTON, Sept. 30 1889 

God our God has just told me who to recommend to you for the 
Editor of C. S. Jour, but you are not to name me in this transaction. 
It is Rev. Charles Macomber Smith D.D. 164 Summer St Somerville Mass. 
He was healed by reading Science and Health and left a large salary 
to preach Christian Science and then left that position for the hope 
J. F. Bailey had held out to him of preaching for my Church but I 
objected to taking him solely because his church had not been consulted 
before giving him a call. 

Get him sure but be very reticent let it not be known until he is engaged 
or you will have a fuss about it. 


M. B. G. EDDY. 

Mr. Nixon had not had time to act upon this letter when 
he received another in which Mrs. Eddy explained that her 
recommendation of Mr. Smith had been the result of mesmerism, 
and not of divine inspiration: 

To MR. NIXON 62 State St. 


I regret having named the one I did to you for Editor It is a mistake 
he is not fit It was not God evidently that suggested that thought but 
the person who suggests many things mentally but I have before been 
able to discriminate I wrote too soon after it came to my thought He 
has not been taught C. S. and I hear refuses to be taught by any one 
but me. Love to wife 

Ever Affectionately 

M. B. G. EDDY. 

In another letter she reprimands her publisher for not affix 
ing the author's name whenever he refers to Science and Health 
in the columns of the Journal, and for not printing the name 


of that book always in small capitals. Mr. Nixon felt that the 
Journal should be the magazine of Christian Science rather 
than Mrs. Eddy's personal organ, and had rashly attempted 
to persuade her that it would be more dignified in her to keep 
her own name a little more in the background, especially when 
so many of her enemies were asserting that Christian Science 
was nothing but a glorification of Mrs. Eddy's " personality." 
On this point she says to Mr. Nixon, in a letter dated June 30, 

Those who are trying to frighten you over using my name at suitable 
intervals and who are crying out personality are the very ones that persist 
in their purpose to keep my personality before the public through abusing 
it and to harness it to all the faults of other personalities and make it 
responsible for them. But neither of these efforts disposes of personality 
nor handle it on the rule our Master taught nor deal with mortal personality 

In the same letter she reproves him for having omitted her 
appellation of " Reverend " when referring to her in the Journal. 

Among Mrs. Eddy's letters to her publisher, Mr. Nixon, is 
this rather amusing one: 

July 14 1890. 
385 Commonwealth Ave. 

Many thanks for your copy of Brotherham's translation of the New 
Testament But I cannot see the merit in it that Mr. Bailey attaches 
to it in his long notice in the Journal. The language is decaying as fast 
as that of Irving's Pickwick Papers I prefer the common version for 
all scriptural quotations to that. 

Most truly and affectionately, 

M. B. G. EDDY. 

Having divested herself of her responsibilities as editor and 
teacher, Mrs. Eddy further protected herself from the im- 


portunities of her students by the publication in the Journal 
of seven fixed rules, which announced that she was not to be con 
sulted regarding the personal or church difficulties of her 
followers. 3 Her next step was to disorganise the Boston 
church. Upon this action the Journal of February, 1890, 
comments as follows: 

The dissolution of the visible organisation of the church is the sequence 
and complement of that of the college corporation and association. The 
college disappeared that the spirit of Christ might have freer course 
among its students and all who come into the understanding of Divine 
Science, the bonds of the church were thrown away so that its members 
might assemble themselves together to " provoke one another to good works " 
in the bond only of love. 

After Mrs. Eddy disorganised it, the church continued to 
hold regular services and, to all intents and purposes, went 
on just as before with the one important exception that it held 
no more business meetings and transacted no business. The 
real reason for this disorganisation seems to have been just 
that, for the time, Mrs. Eddy wanted no business transacted. 
Her explanation that organisation was a detriment to spiritu 
ality could scarcely have been more than a convenient pretext, 
for at the same time that she put this check upon the Boston 



1. I shall not be consulted verbally, or through letters, as to whose adver 
tisement shall or shall not appear in the Christian Science Journal. 

2. I shall not be consulted verbally, or through letters, as to the matter 
that should be published in the Journal and Christian Science Series. 

3. I shall not be consulted verbally, or through letters, on marriage, divorce, 
or family affairs of any kind. 

4. I shall not be consulted verbally, or through letters, on the choice of 
pastors for churches. 

5. I shall not be consulted verbally, or through letters, on disaffections, If 
there should be any between the students of Christian Scientists. 

6. I shall not be consulted verbally, or through letters, on who shall be 
admitted as members, or dropped from the membership of the Christian Science 
Churches or Associations. 

7. I am not to be consulted verbally, or through letters, on disease and the 
treatment of the sick ; but I shall love all mankind and work for their 



church, her messages to the workers in the field continually 
urged them to organise churches. It would seem that what 
was hurtful to spirituality in Boston would be hurtful elsewhere ; 
but the fact was that ever since the schism of 1888 Mrs. Eddy 
had been dissatisfied with her Boston church, and she had de 
cided to take it to pieces and make it over. A plan was form 
ing in her mind, and putting a stop to all the business trans 
actions of the church gave her time to feel her way toward its 

The Boston church was still homeless and held its meetings 
in public halls. In 1886 its members had purchased a lot on 
Falmouth Street where the original Mother Church now stands 
with the intention of erecting upon it a church building. 
They paid two thousand dollars down upon the date of purchase 
and assumed a mortgage for the balance due. By December, 
1888, the church had paid $5,800 upon the property, and 
had reduced the mortgage to $4,963.50. Mrs. Eddy then 
stepped in and, through her lawyer, secured an assignment of 
the mortgage for the amount due upon it. Eight months later 
she foreclosed and bought in the property herself through her 
lawyer's brother. 4 

In other words, Mrs. Eddy sold to herself the land upon 

4 The exact steps of this transaction were as follows : 

In 1886 the Boston church, through Its treasurer, William H. Bradley, had 
purchased from Nathan Matthews the plot of ground upon which the Christian 
Science church now stands, paying down $2,000 and assuming a mortgage for 
$8,763.50. By December, 1888, the church had paid upon this land, in all, 
$5,800, reducing the mortgage to $4,963.50. At this date Mrs. Eddy, through 
her lawyer, Baxter B. Perry, later disbarred, secured an assignment of the 
mortgage from Mr. Matthews for exactly the sum due upon the land. Although 
this assignment occurred December 6, 1888, it was not recorded until August 6, 
1880, this date being also the date of the recording of Mrs. Eddy's foreclosure 
of the mortgage. The Suffolk County Register of Deeds shows that Baxter E. 
Perry sold the Falmouth Street lot at a mortgage foreclosure sale held on 
August 3, 1889, to his brother and law partner, George H. Perry, for the sum 
of $5,000. George H. Perry then deeded the* land to Ira O. Knapp, for the sum 
of $5,100, the additional $100 apparently forming Mr. Perry's fee for his part 
in the transaction. 


which she now held the mortgage, securing for $5,000 a piece 
of real estate which three years before had sold for $10,763.50, 
and which since then had almost doubled in value, and the 
members of the Boston church had lost all equity in the property 
upon which they had paid $5,800. 

Since Mrs. Eddy intended ultimately to give this land back 
to the church, why, the reader may ask, did she not come for 
ward when the payments ran behind, and satisfy the mortgage, 
leaving the property unincumbered in the hands of the organi 
sation which had already paid on it more than half the purchase 
price? The reason seems to have been that there were still 
in that body persons of whom Mrs. Eddy did not feel sure; 
members who might be elected to office, might have too active 
a part in the church government, and might even incite a new 
rebellion like that of 1888. Her plan now was to give this 
building-site to the Boston church directors under such condi 
tions as would forever do away with congregational self-gov 
ernment, and would place the church wholly under the control 
of such trustees as she should appoint. 

Mrs. Eddy was aiming at (1) the entire personal ownership 
of the site of the Boston church, (2) perpetual personal con 
trol of the church which should be reared upon it, (3) making 
the Boston church not merely a local church and the home 
of the Boston congregation, but a church universal, the 
" Mother Church " of Christian Science the world over, with 
Mrs. Eddy installed as its visible head. And a seemingly in 
significant real-estate transaction was actually the means of 
accomplishing this important end. 

Up to this time Mrs. Eddy's name had been kept out of the 


various conveyances on the Falmouth Street property, and she 
desired that it should not directly appear in future transactions. 
She now had the land deeded to her student, Ira O. Knapp. 
Mr. Knapp then conveyed the property to three trustees, 
Alfred Lang, Marcellus Munroe, and William G. Nixon, who 
were to hold it for the purpose of building a church thereon. 
The trust deed by which the conveyance was made was of such 
an unusual character that Mr. Nixon insisted upon having the 
title examined before the trustees should place on the lot a build 
ing paid for by Christian Scientists residing in all parts of the 
United States. After examining it, the Massachusetts Title 
Insurance Company refused to insure the title, and, in spite 
of Mrs. Eddy's argument that " the title was from God, and 
that no material title could affect God's temple," the three 
trustees returned all the donations to the building fund which 
they had received, and resigned. The property was now con 
veyed by Mr. Knapp to Mrs. Eddy (who had in reality been 
its owner all the while) for a consideration of one dollar, and 
Mrs. Eddy began all over again. 

On September 1, 1892, Mrs. Eddy conveyed this much- 
bandied-about plot of ground to four new trustees: Ira O. 
Knapp, William B. Johnson, Joseph S. Eastaman, and Stephen 
A. Chase, who were pledged to erect upon the site, within five 
years, a church building costing not less than $50,000. Among 
the provisos of the trust deed were the following : 

That in this church there should be no services "which 
shall not be in strict harmony with the doctrines and practice 
of Christian Science as taught and explained by Mary Baker 
G. Eddy in the seventy-first edition of her book, entitled Science 


and Health, which is soon to be issued, and in any subsequent 
edition thereof " 

That these trustees should be called the Board of Directors 
and should constitute a perpetual body or corporation, fill 
ing any vacancy in their body by election, and filling it 
only with such an one as should be " a firm and consistent 
believer in the doctrines of Christian Science as taught in a 
book entitled Science and Health by Mary Baker G. Eddy, 
beginning with," etc. 

That this board should elect the pastor, speaker, or reader, 
maintain public worship, and was " fully empowered to make 
all necessary rules and regulations " for this purpose. 

That " the omission or neglect on the part of said directors 
to comply with any of the conditions herein named, shall con 
stitute a breach thereof, and the title shall revert to the grantor, 
Mary Baker G. Eddy, her heirs and assigns," etc. 

That " Whenever said directors shall determine that it is 
inexpedient to maintain preaching, reading or speaking in 
said church in accordance with the terms of this deed, they 
are authorised and required to reconvey forthwith said lot of 
land with the building thereon, to Mary Baker G. Eddy, her 
heirs and assigns forever, by a proper deed of conveyance." 

At last, then, Mrs. Eddy had the Boston church where she 
wanted it; an institution without congregational government, 
controlled by four directors whom she should appoint and who 
should elect their successors at her suggestion ; who were pledged 
to see that the church taught only what was in the seventy-first 
edition of Science and Health, and whatever Mrs. Eddy might 
please to put into any subsequent edition ; and who, if they 


did not comply with all these instructions, were bound to give 
back the lot, and the building upon it, to Mrs. Eddy and to 
her heirs forever. A Mother Church thus constructed would 
have great possibilities. 

But here an objection arose. A corporation must be formed, 
and when Mrs. Eddy asked the State to grant her a new charter 
for a new church body, the Commissioner of Corporations re 
fused. His reason was that the original charter, granted in 
1879, had never been annulled and was still in force. But Mrs. 
Eddy had no intention of recognising the old church or its 
charter ; if her new directors merely held the property in trust 
for a church organisation, her end would be defeated. As 
the deed of trust read, the directors were virtually to hold 
the property in trust for Mrs. Eddy herself, to the end of 
executing her wishes. There must be a way, Mrs. Eddy in 
sisted, in which her trustees could hold the property without 
recognising the existence of the chartered church body, so she 
set her lawyers to work. " Guided by Divine Love," she said, 
her attorneys found in the laws of Massachusetts a statute 
whereby a body of donees might be considered a corporate 
body for the purpose of taking and holding grants and dona 
tions without the formal organisation of a church. 5 This old 
statute once unearthed, Mrs. Eddy's plan was entirely worked 
out: the Mother Church was now controlled absolutely by her 
four directors ; the corporation consisted of her directors and 

"In Section 1, Chapter 39, of the Massachusetts Public Statutes, It Is pro- 
vldcd t lui t * 

" The deacons, church wardens, or other similar officers of Church or religious 
societies, and the trustees of the Methodist Episcopal churches appointed 
according to the discipline and usages thereof, shall. If citizens of this Com 
monwealth, be deemed bodies corporate for the purpose of taking and holding 
In succession all grants and donations, whether of real or personal estate, 
made either to them or their successors, or to their respective churches, or to 
the poor of their churches." 


not of the church body ; and the congregation had no more 
voice in the management of the church than has the audience 
in the management of a theatre. 

The members of the Boston church were dazzled by Mrs. 
Eddy's lavish gift, and very few of them had followed the 
legerdemain by which the church had gone into Mrs. Eddy's 
hands a free body and had come out a close corporation. 
Mrs. Eddy announced her victory in a long communication 
to the Journal, asserting, " He giveth his angels charge over 
thee, to keep thee in all thy ways." 

In reviewing this real-estate transaction in the Journal, 
Mrs. Eddy said: 

I had this desirable site transferred in a circuitous, novel way. . . . 
I knew that to God's gift, foundation and superstructure, no one could 
hold a wholly material title. The land and the church standing on it 
must be conveyed through a type representing the true nature of the 
gift; a type morally and spiritually inalienable, but materially questionable 
even after the manner that all spiritual good comes to Christian Scientists 
to the end of taxing their faith in God and their adherence to the 
superiority of the claims of spirit over matter or merely legal titles. . . . 
Our title to God's acres here will be safe and sound " when we can read 
our titles clear " to heavenly mansions. 

Mrs. Eddy now for the first time came out in the Journal 
and made a personal appeal for money to build her church, 
requesting that the contributions which Mr. Nixon and his 
associates had returned to the donors be doubled and forwarded 
to Boston. Her request had scarcely been printed when money 
began to pour in upon the trustees ; the old contributions were 
doubled and in many instances were increased threefold. 

The official organisation of the Mother Church was .made 
September 23, 1892, but no mention is made in the Journal 


of such an occurrence until a year later. Then, on October 3, 
1893, the first annual meeting of the Mother Church was held 
in Chickering Hall. The clerk announced in his report that 
" Since the meeting in which the church was formed, there have 
been held seven special and four quarterly meetings. It is in 
the records of those meetings that the history of the church 
is contained, but its doings could not be profitably set forth m 
a report of this kind." 

This was the first open official meeting. Up to this time 
few Christian Scientists knew that a meeting for the selection 
of church officers had been held in the fall of 1892, but sup 
posed that there was still no formal organisation of the body 
other than the " voluntary association " which Mrs. Eddy had 
advocated as a means to spiritual grace, and under which 
the Massachusetts law allowed the trustees to receive funds. 

Boston Christian Scientists had supposed that Mrs. Eddy did 
not wish to organise her new church under the old charter be 
cause, as she had stated, she felt that material organisation 
was a hindrance to spiritual growth. But when her new church 
began its operations, they were confronted by a solid formal 
organisation which had been effected without the knowledge 
or consent of the church body as a whole. In addition to the 
usual church officers, Mrs. Eddy had chosen twelve charter 
members, whose duty it was to ballot upon every candidate for 
admission to the church and these twelve were the only persons 
permitted to vote upon such candidates. All the original mem 
bers, some of whom had been identified with the church for 
twelve years, were considered as " candidates " for admission 
to the new church, and were balloted upon by the twelve just 


as were the new applicants. In this way Mrs. Eddy was en 
abled carefully to select the personnel of her new church, and 
to keep out of it such members of the old organisation as had 
not been agreeable to her. Every candidate for admission to 
the Mother Church is still balloted upon in this way. 

The Boston church, built by the contributions of Christian 
Scientists throughout the country, had now lost its local char 
acter. With a membership of 1,502 drawn almost entirely 
from the branch churches, it was now the head of all the churches 
in the field, and at the head of the Boston church was Mrs. 
Eddy, installed under the title of " Pastor Emeritus," and gov 
erning through a subservient Board of Directors. No more was 
heard now concerning the spiritual disadvantages of organisa 
tion. Every one realised that in unity under Mrs. Eddy, and 
in obedience, lay the road of progress. The old watchword, 
" Mrs. Eddy and God make a majority," was revived. 

" What," asked the Rev. D. A. Easton, pastor of the Mother 
Church, in his Easter sermon, 1893, " what does membership 
in the Mother Church mean? It signifies obedience. Mrs. 
Eddy has invited Scientists everywhere to unite with the Mother 
Church. To obey cheerfully and loyally marks a growth in 

"Theirs not to reason why, 
Theirs but to do and die." 

" Brethren," wrote Dr. Foster Eddy in the Journal, " this 
is an epoch in the history of Christian Science. The year has 
been a marked one to us. The chaff has been separated from 
the wheat in a most marvellous manner." " We have come," 
he told Christian Scientists at the first annual meeting, " to 


the time when all should listen to the voice of Love, and hearing 
it, we should follow implicitly whether we understand or not, 
and the way will be made plain." 

" Experience, and above all, obedience, are the tests of 
growth and understanding in Science," Mrs. Eddy wrote to 
her students through the Journal. 

Members of all the Christian Science churches in the field 
began to apply for admission to the Mother Church ; it was an 
expression of zeal and loyalty which all earnest believers were 
eager to make. Mrs. Eddy's direct personal control of the 
Boston church soon meant the direct personal control of a 
membership reaching from Maine to California. 

The Boston congregation, which had been meeting in public 
halls for fifteen years, was at last to have a home, and the 
building of the Mother Church was about to begin. It was 
to be a memorial, as Mrs. Eddy said, " for her through whom 
was revealed to you God's all-power, all-presence, and all- 
science." An inscription across the front of the building was 
to proclaim, as it does to-day, the name of Mrs. Eddy and the 
title of her book. 6 

The financial distress of 1894 caused a temporary check in 
the growth of the building fund, and, to give the work a fresh 
impetus, Mrs. Eddy made a personal appeal to fifty prominent 
Christian Scientists, asking them to contribute $1,000 each. 
Her request was instantly complied with. On May 21, 1894, 
the corner-stone of the Mother Church was laid. 

This Inscription reads: ft 

"The First Church of Christ, Scientist, erected Anno Domini, 1894. A 
testimonial to our beloved teacher, the Rev. Mary Baker G. Eddy, discoverer 
and founder of Christian Science ; author of Science and Health wnh Key to 
the Scriptures; president of the Massachusetts Metaphysical College, and the 
first pastor of this denomination." 


During the eighteen months that the Mother Church was 
building, its membership, recruited from the churches in the 
field, continued to increase. At the second annual business 
meeting, held in Copley Hall, October 2, 1894, the clerk re 
ported a total membership of 2,978 1,476 having been ad 
mitted during the year. 

The original Mother Church 7 is a solidly built structure 
of gray granite, with a seating capacity of, 1,100. In its 
equipment it is very like any other modern church of its size. 
Its one unique feature is the " Mother Room," since 1903 called 
the " room of our Pastor Emeritus." This room, consecrated 
to Mrs. Eddy's personal use, is finished in rare woods, marble, 
and onyx, and contains a superfluity of white-and-gold furni 
ture. In the alcove are a stationary wash-stand and a folding- 
bed in which Mrs. Eddy has slept once. All the plumbing 
in this alcove is gold plated. A stained-glass window represents 
Mrs. Eddy seated at her table in the old skylight room at Lynn, 
engaged in searching the Scriptures ; through the open sky 
light shines the star of Bethlehem, enveloping her in its rays. 
Before this window hangs the Athenian lamp which was formerly 
kept burning night and day. 

This room was fitted up for Mrs. Eddy by the children of 
Christian Scientists, who were organised into a society called 
the " Busy Bees " and who maintained a fund for the purpose 
of furnishing and caring for the Mother Room. After the 
fittings of the room had been paid for, the children wished 
to continue to express their affection for Mrs. Eddy, and their 

7 The original Mother Church now forms the front of an entirely new 
huilding. dedicated in 1906. The old church is still called the Mother Church, 
while the new structure, although many times larger than the old, is called 
the Annex. 


offerings were used to keep the room supplied with fresh flowers 
and to maintain the Athenian lamp. Mrs. Eddy showed her 
appreciation by dedicating to the " Busy Bees " her next book, 
Pulpit and Press, a thin volume made up of newspaper articles 
upon the Mother Church and interviews with Mrs. Eddy. This 
book sold at $1.06 a copy, but Mrs. Eddy announced that each 
of the 2,600 children who had contributed to her room should 
have one copy each at half price, fifty cents, postage extra. 
By this means the author secured an additional sale of 2,600 
books, and the children had the advantage of the reduction 
in price. With the possible exception of the dedication there 
is certainly very little in this book of press clippings to tempt 
a youthful reader. 

Dedicatory services were held in the Mother Church, January 
6, 1895. Four times the service was repeated to audiences 
that filled the assembly-room, and an address from Mrs. Eddy 
was read. When her little congregation used to meet in Haw 
thorne Hall, Mrs. Eddy had usually been on hand to remind 
them that the gates of hell should not prevail against her; 
but at the dedication of her memorial church, with its member 
ship of nearly three thousand, she was not present. Her ab 
sence must be considered as an indication of her failing strength. 
Afterward, indeed, she upon two occasions spoke from the 
pulpit of her new church, but the days on which she could be 
sure of herself were fewer than they used to be. 

From this time on Mrs. Eddy was a name rather than a 
person in Boston. Her presence there was no longer necessary 
to her best interests. In obtaining absolute personal control 
of the Mother Church, with its national membership, she had 


ended her long struggle for possession. Before the reorganisa 
tion of the Mother Church, Mrs. Eddy had still to bring 
questions of church government before the church body ; she 
had to conciliate, to persuade, to make concessions, and some 
times to explain and justify her own conduct. In 1888 her 
seceding students had even considered a plan to expel Mrs. 
Eddy from her own church, and only by constant exertion had 
she kept the organisation under her control. 'But from the 
time the Boston church was reorganised, Mrs. Eddy's power 
over it was absolute. She was the church. She wrote its by 
laws, appointed its officers, selected its membership, and virtu 
ally owned the church property. Its doctrines were her books 
the church was committed to teach as the everlasting trutK 
what she had written and whatever she might write in the future. 
Mrs. Eddy was never again called upon to explain or to modify 
her commands, and never again was there dissension or division 
in her church. She had completely conquered her spiritual 
kingdom. She had now but to go on revealing the alleged will 
of God, and her church had but to go on obeying her. 






WHEN Mrs. Eddy retired to Concord, N. H., in the latter 
part of 1889, her coming there was little noticed by the towns 
folk. Her name, which was well enough known in Boston, 
Chicago, and Denver, as yet meant almost nothing in the 
capital of her native state, though her birthplace was scarcely 
six miles from Concord. Mrs. Eddy lived quietly at 62 State 
Street for nearly three years. She kept no horses then; she 
occasionally went about the town on foot, but did not mingle 
with the townspeople. There was a general impression in the 
neighbourhood that she was a broken-down Boston spiritualist 
who had " lost her power." Because, when the chill autumn 
weather came on, she had her front piazza inclosed in heavy 
sail-cloth and took her exercise there, it was supposed that she 
was an invalid. Not until after the dedication of the Mother 
Church, in Boston, 1895, did Concord people begin to feel an 
interest in Mrs. Eddy and to speak of her as a public personage. 
It was while Mrs. Eddy was living in State Street that she 
bought the property now known as Pleasant View, and had 
the modest farmhouse which stood there remodelled into the 



cheerful, jaunty structure which it is to-day. She added bow- 
windows and verandas, built a porte-cochere at the front of the 
house and a tower at the southeast corner. Pleasant View is 
in Pleasant Street, about a mile and a half west of the centre 
of the city. 

The traditions of mystery and seclusion which of late years 
have grown up about the place are hard to reconcile with its 
cheerful aspect. The house stands upon a .little knoll, very 
near the road; the drives and gateway are wide; there are no 
high fences or shaded walks ; the trees are kept closely trimmed, 
the turf neatly shaven, and the flower-beds are tidy and gay. 
There is a fountain, and a boat-house, and a fish-pond with a 
fine clump of willows. The tower rooms, which were occupied 
by Mrs. Eddy, have large windows looking southward down a 
narrow valley, at the end of which rise gentle green hills, one 
above another, their sides covered with fields and woodland 
which admirably distribute light and shadow. These hills, 
besides being peaceful and pleasant to the eye, must have had 
many associations for Mrs. Eddy, for among them lies the farm 
upon which she was born and where she spent her childhood. 
Every day for seventeen years Mrs. Eddy could look off toward 
Bow and measure the distance she had travelled. Whatever an 
architect or gardener might find to quarrel with at Pleasant 
View, it was certainly a cheerful place for an old lady to live 
in, and looked out over the gentlest and friendliest of landscapes. 

After she moved into Pleasant View, Mrs. Eddy gradually 
added more land to the estate, enlarged the stables, and built 
a house for the gardener. She continued to live as simply and 
methodically as before. She rose early, and after breakfast 


usually walked about the fish-pond or paced the back veranda. 
She invariably took a nap before dinner, which she had in the 
middle of the day. Promptly at two o'clock she started upon 
her daily drive. Mr. Frye still acted as her secretary and 
companion, and Martha Morgan attended largely to the house 
keeping. Later Mrs. Eddy sent for Miss Kate Shannon, a 
music-teacher in Montreal; for Mrs. Laura Sargent, who is 
still in attendance upon her, and for Mrs. Pamelia Leonard, 
who died at her home in Brooklyn, January 8, 1908, under the 
care of a physician. 1 

All the members of her household lived as if they were exactly 
as old and as much enfeebled as Mrs. Eddy. They rose early, 
retired early ; never went out of the house except upon her 
commissions ; never dined out, received visits, or went to Boston 
for a holiday. And why should they, when they believed that 
the most important things that had happened in the world for 
at least eighteen hundred years were daily going on at Pleasant 
View? They had built their hope upon the fundamental propo 
sition that Mrs. Eddy was the inspired revelator of God ; that, 
as the Journal expressed it, she had retired to Pleasant View 
to " commune always with God in the mount." To be in the 
house with Mrs. Eddy was the ultimate experience, and it 
left them nothing more to wish for. Mrs. Eddy filled their 
lives. Her breakfast, her nap, her correspondence, her visitors, 
her clothes, even, were matters of the greatest importance. 
Her faithful women especially delighted in dressing her hair, 

1 A Christian Scientist of Brooklyn who knew the circumstances of the death 
of Mrs. Leonard, has written to the author, since the appearance of this 
history in McCIure's Magazine, to say, that although a physician was called 
to see Mrs. Leonard before her death, this was done in order to comply with 
the law requiring the signature of an attending physician to be attached to 
the death certificate upon which the burial permit is issued ; and that Mrs. 
Leonard never lost faith in Christian Science. 


which since she left Boston she had ceased to colour, and which 
was now soft and white. They used to talk among themselves 
about her " final demonstration " in those days, the idea being 
that she was husbanding her strength to perform some one final 
wonder which would convince the world. Sometimes, in their 
fireside speculations, they encouraged one another in the hope 
that, when the time came, Mrs. Eddy would even demonstrate 
over death. They seem to have expected that this last triumph 
would come, not as a mere prolongation of life, but as a sort 
of definite combat, a struggle from which she would rise trans 
figured. 2 While Mrs. Eddy's triumph over death was never 
an openly avowed belief of the church, it was the fearful hope 
of many a devoted creature. These credulous and fervent souls 
used to go upon pilgrimages to Concord, see the venerable 
Mother through their tears when she addressed them briefly 
from her balcony, and go away saying that she had the figure 
of a girl, that her face was as full and smooth as the face of a 
young woman. 

As soon as Mrs. Eddy withdrew from secular life and became 
inaccessible to the majority of her followers, legends began 
to grow up about her. She realised this well enough, and, at 
her request, her adopted son bought a notebook and set down 
in it some of her wonderful sayings and doings. One of the 

2 We may here print a letter to the New York Evening Journal, July 1, 1904, 
signed by Mrs. Augusta E. Stetson, who organised the first Christian Science 
church in New York : 

" Any suggestion or question of a successor to Mrs. Eddy as the Leader of 
the Christian Science movement is one that could not be entertained nor con 
sidered by any loyal Christian Scientist. Mrs. Eddy is and ever will be the 
only Leader of the Christian Science movement. There is no question among 
loyal Christian Scientists as to her continuing to lead them on to the demonstra 
tion of eternal life, through faith in God and the understanding of the law 
of the spirit life in Christ Jesus, which sets us free from the law of sin and 

Whatever Mrs. Stetson may have meant by " eternal life," such declaratlona 
were interpreted literally by simple-minded believers. 








stories he wrote down was that which Mrs. Eddy often used 
to tell her household concerning the state of ecstasy in which 
her own mother lived before Mrs. Eddy's birth. Mrs. Baker, 
so the legend went, felt as if all the vital forces of the world 
had united in her, and she knew that she was to bring forth a 
prodigy. This story, of course, does not agree with the one 
which Mrs. Eddy used to tell her early students in Lynn, of 
how she had been born into the world an unwelcome child, and 
how every man's hand had been against her, etc. 

Although Mrs. Eddy was now a wealthy woman, she was 
still prudent in the use of her money. Her home at Pleasant 
View was comfortable but not luxurious. There was nothing 
ostentatious about her manner of living, and she never spent 
money lavishly, even upon herself. Her laces and jewels, even 
the diamond cross which is conspicuous in many of her photo 
graphs, were given to her by devoted students. The writer 
has an amusing letter in which Mrs. Eddy thanks one of her 
students for a piano, referring to the instrument as a " me 

Mrs. Eddy's little economies are always interesting and 
characteristic. On one occasion she summoned Dr. Foster's 
old friend, William Clark of Barre, Vt., to come to Pleasant 
View as gardener. She wearied of Clark in a little while, de 
cided that he ought to be a teacher of Christian Science instead 
of a gardener, and sent him away. While Clark had worked 
on her place Mrs. Eddy had paid him gardener's wages, but 
she felt that he ought to be reimbursed for the expense he had 
incurred in moving to Concord and in quitting his former occu 
pation. Accordingly, she called Dr. Foster into her study 


and handed him three hundred dollars, telling him to offer the 
money to Clark, but adding grimly, " It will prove a curse 
to him if he takes it." Dr. Foster warned Clark to that effect, 
and Clark, rather reluctantly, refused the money. Mrs. Eddy 
had for some time been promising Dr. Foster a diamond ring 
for his little finger, and then had looked over jewellers' cata 
logues and discussed the sizes and prices of stones. In the end 
Mrs. Eddy had decided upon a smaller stone than the one Dr. 
Foster selected. He now took a hundred dollar's of the money 
which had been offered to Clark in such a forbidding fashion, 
added it to the appropriation made for his ring, and got the 
diamond he wanted. The rest of the money Mrs. Eddy put 
into a stained-glass window for the " Mother Room " in the 
Boston church the window which represents Mrs. Eddy sitting 
in the skylight room at Lynn and searching the Scriptures 
beneath the rays of a star. 

Mrs. Eddy's retirement did, as she had anticipated, give her 
more time for literary pursuits. She was still busily writing 
and rewriting Science and Health, as she had been doing for 
twenty years. New editions of the book came out in 1891, 
1894, and 1896. Loyal Scientists were then, as now, expected 
to purchase each new edition (at $3.18 a volume), although 
Mrs. Eddy refused to buy back their old editions at any price. 
Since her followers lived by one book, it behooved them to have 
the best edition of it, and Mrs. Eddy always pronounced the 
new one the best. Often a new edition contained important 
changes (such as permission to use morphia in cases of violent 
pain), and after the 1891 edition was out, a Christian Scientist 
who still regulated his life by the 1886 edition was living, spirit- 


ually, in the Dark Ages. As Foster Eddy wrote concerning 
the 1891 edition: 

Mother has never had time, until the last two years, to take the numerous 
gems she has found in the deep mines of truth and polish them on Heaven's 
emery wheel, arrange them in order, and give them a setting so that all 
could behold and see their perfect purity. Now here they all are in this 
new revised "Science and Health." 

By the time the 1891 edition was exhausted, about one 
hundred and fifty thousand copies of Science and Health had 
been sold since the book was first published in 1875. This did 
not mean that one hundred and fifty thousand persons owned 
copies of the book, there are not half that many Christian 
Scientists in the world to-day, but that every Christian Scien 
tist owned several copies. The Journal told them that they 
could not own too many. 

Mrs. Eddy always displayed great ingenuity in stimulating 
the demand for her books. In 1897, when she first published 
her book Miscellaneous Writings, a volume of her collected 
editorials from the Journal, she issued the following pro- 
nunciamento : 

Christian Scientists in the United States and Canada are hereby enjoined 
not to teach a student of Christian Science for one year, commencing 
March 14, 1897. " Miscellaneous Writings " is calculated to prepare the 
minds of all true thinkers to understand the Christian Science text book 
more correctly than a student can. The Bible, Science and Health with 
Key to the Scriptures, and my other published works are the only proper 
instructors for this hour. It shall be the duty of all Christian Scientists 
to circulate and to sell as many of these books as they can. 

If a member of the First Church of Christ Scientist shall fail to obey 
this injunction it shall render him liable to lose his membership in this 
church. MARY BAKER EDDY.' 

3 Christian Science Journal, March, 1897. 


There were at this time about fifty Christian Science acade 
mies in operation, and hundreds of Mrs. Eddy's followers made 
their living by teaching Christian Science. They were, with 
out warning, directed to give up their means of support for 
one year in order to increase the sale of Mrs. Eddy's new book, 
and to sell the book, without commission, under penalty of 
expulsion from the church. It is scarcely necessary to say 
that they obeyed without a murmur. 

Loyal Christian Scientists made an endeavour to buy not 
only a copy of every new edition of Science and Health, but 
of every book that Mrs. Eddy wrote. Mrs. Eddy discourages 
general reading, and particularly the perusal of fiction. 4 She 
has no tolerance for low-priced books. They " lower the in 
tellectual standard to accommodate the purse " and " meet a 
frivolous demand for amusement instead of instruction." For 
her own books Mrs. Eddy has always demanded very high prices. 
With her own audience she was, of course, without a rival. 
Many of her followers read no books at all but hers. 

In 1893 Mrs. Eddy published Christ and Christmas, an 
illustrated poem which she afterward temporarily suppressed 
because the pictures were displeasing to many people. One 
picture represents Jesus Christ standing beside a big, black, 
upholstered coffin, raising to life an emaciated woman. An 
other represents a woman, strangely like Mrs. Eddy's author 
ised photographs in appearance, standing at a bedside and 
raising a prostrate form, while a great star burns above her 

4 It is the tangled barbarisms of learning which we deplore, -the mere 
dogma, the speculative theory, the nauseous fiction. Novels, remarkable only 
for their exaggerated pictures, impossible ideals, and specimens of depravity, 
fill our young readers with wrong tastes and sentiments, etc. Science and 
Health (1898), p. 91. 

5 Ibid. 


head. In another, Christ is represented as hand in hand with 
a woman who bears a tablet inscribed " Christian Science." 
Mrs. Eddy wrote the text of this grim gift-book, and a fly-leaf 
accredits the pictures to " Mary Baker G. Eddy and James F. 
Gilman, artists." 

In 1891 Mrs. Eddy published Retrospection and Introspec 
tion, a volume of autobiographical sketches in which many of 
the events of the author's life are highly idealised. 

At Pleasant View the members of Mrs. Eddy's household led 
a life vastly more peaceful than ever they had known in 
Columbus or Commonwealth Avenues. But discipline was by no 
means relaxed. Mr. Frye still had his bad quarter of an 
hour when it was good for him. Mrs. Eddy " turned against " 
the faithful Martha Morgan and packed her back to Maine. 
She tired of Mrs. Anne M. Otis, whom she had called to build 
up a Christian Science church in Concord, and sent her back 
to the West. Eventually even her adopted son went the way 
of all her favourites. There is no doubt that Mrs. Eddy 
was fond of Foster, and that his personality was extremely 
agreeable to her. She may even have dropped a tear upon 
his death-warrant, but she signed it none the less. The story 
of Foster's rise and decline is as follows : 

At the close of 1892 Mr. William G. Nixon resigned his post 
as Mrs. Eddy's publisher, and was succeeded by E. J. Foster 
Eddy. Dr. Foster had had no experience whatever in publish 
ing, but the position was a lucrative one and Mrs. Eddy desired 
her son to have it. She saw, too, a way to increase her own 
profits. Science and Health sold for $3.18 a copy. 6 The man- 

The eighteen cents paid the postage. The book was, of course, usually 
Ordered by mail. 


ufacture of each book cost just forty-seven and a half cents. 
Mrs. Eddy had been getting one dollar royalty upon every 
copy sold and the publisher got the rest. When her adopted 
son began to publish Science and Health, Mrs. Eddy worked 
her royalty up to a dollar and a half a copy, since Dr. Foster 
was readily persuaded that it was all in the family. 

The sale of Mrs. Eddy's works was exceedingly profitable 
to her and even more profitable to her publisher, since the market 
for them was ready-made and there was never a dollar spent 
in general advertising. Dr. Foster's accounts show that in the 
year 1893 he paid Mrs. Eddy $11,692.79 in royalties; in 1894 
her royalties amounted to $14,834.12; and in 1895 she received 
from Dr. Foster $18,481.97, making a total profit of $45,008.88 
for the three years. Needless to say, her annual royalties have 
greatly increased since 1895, and have now reached a figure 
which puts all other American authors to financial shame. 

But from the day that Mrs. Eddy installed Dr. Foster as 
her publisher, his years were numbered. The position was the 
most remunerative she had to offer, and this new and substan 
tial mark of her favour only increased the existing prejudice 
against her son. Ever since Foster's adoption, jealousy had 
rankled in the household. Mr. Frye had always watched him 
with a stony and distrustful eye. Each had accused the other 
of " mesmerising " Mrs. Eddy against him, and of using her 
affection for his own advantage. 

There was jealousy in Boston, as well as at Pleasant View. 
Some of the workers there complained that Dr. Foster had been 
made too prominent, and that he had more personal influence 
than any one except Mrs. Eddy herself should have; others 


asserted that he over-represented and misrepresented Mrs. Eddy. 

After he became his mother's publisher, Dr. Foster had to 
be in Boston much of the time, and stayed, when he was there, 
at the Commonwealth Avenue house. In his absence from Con 
cord, one charge after another was made against him to Mrs. 
Eddy. Pressure was brought to bear upon her from this 
quarter and from that, and she seems to have realised that her 
favourite was marked for sacrifice. Dr. Foster relates that, 
upon one occasion when they were alone together, his mother 
drew him to the sofa and took his hand, saying despairingly, 
" Bennie, if I ever ask you to go away from me, do not leave 
me." She told him that she wanted him always near her, but 
that " mesmerism " had come between them. Undoubtedly, Mrs. 
Eddy herself had become somewhat alarmed when she realised 
what authority she had placed in Dr. Foster's hands; it was 
quite possible for her to trust him and to doubt him, to want 
him and to plan his downfall at the same time. The letters 
which she wrote him after she sent him away have not a candid 

Stories kept coming to Mrs. Eddy to the effect that Dr. 
Foster was short in his accounts, that he had conducted himself 
improperly with a married woman who had done some work in 
the publication-office, etc., etc. Finally, in the spring of 1896, 
Mrs. Eddy took the publishing business away from her son 
and transferred it to Joseph Armstrong, a Christian Scientist 
who had formerly been a banker in Kansas. Foster Eddy was 
now instructed to go to Philadelphia and build up a church. 
There was already a Christian Science church in Philadelphia, 
and when Dr. Foster arrived there he found that he had been 


discredited with the Philadelphia following by letters from 
Boston. It was his mother's way not to tell him frankly that 
she was through with him, though, after he reached his destina 
tion, she dropped the old endearing appellations, and no longer 
signed herself " Mother," but wrote to him in the following 

DEAR DOCTOR, I have silenced every word of the slander started in 
Boston about that woman by saying that I had not the, least idea of any 
wrong conduct between you and her, for I know you are chaste. . . . 
This silly stuff is dead. Always kindly yours. 


Dr. Foster left Boston by water, and on the day he sailed 
away Mrs. Eddy sent flowers to the boat, and a crowd of 
Christian Scientists were at the wharf to see him off. But 
as the adopted son stood by the deck-rail with his bouquet in 
his hands, and watched the water widen between him and Bos 
ton, he realised the import of this cordiality, and knew that, 
through the crowd on the shore, his mother had waved him a 
blithe and long adieu. 

After Dr. Foster reached Philadelphia and found that Chris 
tian Scientists there had been warned to have nothing to do 
with him, he went back to Concord to lay his wrongs before 
Mrs. Eddy. She granted him an audience in the house in which, 
a few months before, he had been master, but cut short the 
interview and went upstairs while he was speaking. 7 Dr. Foster 

T After this Interview Mrs. Eddy wrote Dr. Foster the following letter, In 
which she accuses him of " keeping his mind on her " and weakening her, as 
she used to charge Spofford and Arens with doing : 

"Concord, N. H., March 17, 1897. 

" DR. FOSTER EDDY My dear Benny : I was not 'falsely ' referring to 
your mind on me. I am not or cannot be mistaken now in whose mind is on 
me. My letter was dated the 8th of March. I shall not soon forget that time. 
When you went to Phila. at my request I made everything ready for your 


knew his mother well enough to realise that she was through 
with him. He made no attempt to push his case or further 
to practise Christian Science. He received no opportunity 
to refute the charges made against him. 

As Mrs. Eddy's son and personal representative, Dr. Foster 
had been regarded as a sort of crown prince by Christian 
Scientists. He had been the first president of the Mother 
Church, had held Mrs. Eddy's highest offices, and had been 
listened to as her mouthpiece. Ever since she had become in 
accessible at Pleasant View, Dr. Foster had been the natural 
recipient of the adulation that had formerly been hers. His 
arrival at a Christian Science convention caused almost as much 
excitement as if Mrs. Eddy herself had come. Wherever the 
Doctor went in Boston, he was pretty sure to meet people who 
greeted him with the greatest deference and an eager, anxious 
smile. Even those who did not like him tried to please him, 

success, even in the Church rules, Art. 8, Sec. 14, that nothing should impede 

you. One of your first acts was to consult in your movements and 

not to consult me before doing it. 

" This laid the foundation of what followed. Had my letter that I sent 
by you to that church been read in the Church of Philadelphia on March 14, 
as I told you to have it, it would have saved you being kicked out of the 
readership. You never named to me you intended to stop till Monday in 
Boston. You conceal from me all you should tell and which I would save 
you from doing and then when you get into difficulty come to me for help. 
You had everything in your power whereby to control the situation. See 
Church Manual, pp. 13, Sees. 3 and 16. Sec. 10, edition 5. 

" But you were governed by hypnotism to work against me and yourself and 
take me as your authority for so doing. Then turn all your papers of the 
fight and the burden of its settlement on to me and yourself go on a pleasure 
trip to Washington, and after all this tell me that you cared not for yourself 
in the case but for me ! 

" The church has written me a loving letter with regrests [regrets] that 
they had to do by you as they did. 

" You say those with whom you now are love you. I hope this will continue 
to be so. As ever, lovingly, MOTHER. 

" N. B. I open this letter to speak briefly of the apochryphal gospel. I 
read till disgusted and stopped. ' Hennas ' is an imaginary character, and 
the ' old woman ' has no more relation to me than Pilate's wife ; both are 
depicted as good representative characters for that time and under those 
circumstances. They may or may not have been human beings. 

" Such reading tends to foster the disease of moral insanity or idiocy that 
the magic of Mohammedism and the hypnotism of our time are engendering. 

" The ethics of the dialogues in that spurious book are excellent and that 
makes the book dangerous lest they cause the stuff that accompanies them to 
take form in thought as veritable characters and history, and even prophetic 
which it is not. M. B. E." 


because they believed that he could influence Mrs. Eddy for or 
against any one* 

Mrs. Eddy's word had made Foster, and her word unmade 
him* From the moment the Christian Scientists understood that 
he was no longer in favour with his mother, Dr. Foster was 
ostracised. The people who had once crowded about him when 
ever he appeared in public no longer recognised him when they 
passed him in the street. When he approached a group of 
Christian Scientists, they melted away. Legally, of course, 
he was still Mrs. Eddy's adopted son, but she did not trouble 
herself about that, apparently. She made no charge against 
him, demanded no explanation, but erased him from her con 
sciousness as if he were a coachman whom she had hired and 
discharged. Dr. Foster travelled in the West and in Alaska 
for a time, and then settled down at his old home at Waterbury 
Center, Vt., where he now lives. Like the rest of Mrs. Eddy's 
outworn favourites, he has been content to live very quietly 
since his fall, and he has not even resumed the practice of medi 
cine, for fear of further angering his adopted mother. 

Mrs. Eddy's retirement in Concord meant no relaxation of 
her vigilance over her church. Scarcely a day passed that 
one of her executives did not board the train at Boston, take 
the two hours' ride up the Merrimac, and present himself at 
Pleasant View. The affairs of the Mother Church ran much 
more smoothly with Mrs. Eddy out of the city. The hundred 
little annoyances which had so often led her into indiscretions 
were now kept from her. She planted and pulled up, built 
and tore down, or, as she says, armed with pen and pruning- 
hook, she commanded and countermanded, as tirelessly as ever ; 


but now that she worked through other people, her plans were 
not executed so rapidly, and she had time to change her mind 
before her first decision was made public. It was now possible 
for her executives to present questions to her with some care. 
They kept Mrs. Eddy informed upon the affairs of the Boston 
church and upon what went on in the field, but petty annoyances 
they kept from her. Her inability to interfere hourly gave her 
assistants an opportunity to execute her wishes temperately 
and successfully. Mrs. Eddy, the " Discoverer and Founder 
of Christian Science," was still in the field, through her execu 
tives, as active and powerful as ever; while Mrs. Eddy, the 
woman, with her disturbing personal idiosyncrasies, was safely 
housed at Pleasant View, surrounded by devoted and sympa 
thetic persons whose constant care it was to calm and soothe 

After she first took up her residence at Pleasant View, Mrs. 
Eddy visited Boston four times, and on each occasion remained 
in the city only a few hours. 8 In her retirement she has not 
been cut off from such of her followers as she has wished to see. 
By a by-law of the church, Mrs. Eddy is empowered to send for 
any Christian Scientist, wherever he may be, and to bring him 
to Pleasant View, to serve her for as long as twelve months, if 
need be, in whatever capacity she may designate ; his recompense 

8 The first of these was on April 1, 1895, when she came unannounced, bring 
ing the members of her Concord household with her, and inspected, for the 
first time, the newly completed Mother Church. She spent the night in the 
building, occupying the folding-bed in the Mother Room, while her attendants 
slept all night in the pews. The next month, on Sunday, May 26, Mrs. Eddy 
went again to the Mother Church and spoke from the pulpit for twenty 
minutes. Again, in February, 1896, she preached in the Mother Church, re 
turning to Concord in a private car the same afternoon. She made her fourth 
visit to Boston on Monday, June 5, 1899. She spent the night in her Com 
monwealth Avenue house, then occupied by Septimus J. Hanna, the reader of 
the Mother Church, and on Tuesday afternoon she appeared at the annual 
meeting of the church, held in Tremont Temple. Mrs. Eddy addressed the 
meeting briefly, and returned to Concord the same afternoon. 


being twelve hundred dollars a year and his expenses. 9 Under 
this rule, a bank president whose time is worth $50,000 a year 
might be summoned to Pleasant View to serve for a hundred 
dollars a month. But Mrs. Eddy is the last woman in the 
world to make unreasonable demands of her influential fol 
lowers, and no greater honour can befall a Christian Scientist 
than to be thus summoned by his Leader. Such a call is looked 
upon as a recognition of the recipient's progress in " Science," 
and as a rare opportunity for spiritual growth. Concerning 
this service at Pleasant View, Mrs. Eddy wrote in the Christian 
Science Sentinel of April 25, 1903. 



Who shall be greatest? 

The great Master said: "He that is least in the kingdom of heaven" 
that is, he who hath in his heart in the least the kingdom of heaven, the 
reign of holiness, shall be greatest. 

Who shall inherit the earth? 

The meek who sit at the feet of Truth, bathing the human understanding 
with tears of repentance, and washing it clean from the taints of self- 
righteousness, hypocrisy, envy shall inherit the earth for wisdom is justi 
fied of her children. 

Who shall dwell in Thy Holy Hill? 

He that walketh uprightly, and worketh righteousness, and speaketh the 
truth in his heart. 

Who shall be called to Pleasant View? 

He who strives and attains who has the divine presumption to say: 
"For I know whom I have believed, and am persuaded that he is able to 
keep that which I have committed unto him against that day" (St. Paul). 

t ,^ e x urcn , by-law in regard to this rule of service reads as follows : 

At the written request of our Pastor Emeritus, Mrs. Eddy, for assistance, 
the Board of Directors shall immediately notify the member of this church 
whom she selects, to go within ten days to her and to remain if needed 
twelve months consecutively, and it shall be the duty of this member to comply 
therewith. Members who leave her in less time and when she needs them, 
are liable to have their names dropped from the church." Church Manual, Art. 


It goes without saying that such a one was never called to Pleasant View 
for penance or reformation; and I call none others, unless I mistake their 
calling. No mesmerist, nor disloyal Christian Scientist is fit to come 
hither, I have no use for such, and there cannot be found at Pleasant 
View one of this sort. " For all that do these things are an abomination 
unto the Lord, and because of these abominations the Lord thy God doth 
drive them out from before thee." (Deuteronomy, 18.) 

It is true that loyal Christian Scientists called to the home of the 
Discoverer and Founder of Christian Science, can acquire in one year the 
Science that otherwise might cost them a half century. But this should 
not be the incentive for going thither. Better far that Christian Scientists 
go to help their helper, and thus lose all selfishness as she has lost it, and 
thereby help themselves and the whole world, as she has done according to 
this saying of Christ Jesus: "And whosoever doth not bear his cross and 
come after me, cannot be my disciple." 





MRS. EDDY'S absence from Boston made it possible for some 
of her ambitious leaders there to exercise a stronger personal 
influence than they could ever have done had she been at her 
old headquarters in Commonwealth Avenue. This opportunity 
was seized, and abused, so Mrs. Eddy thought, by one of her 
most prominent aids, Josephine Curtis Woodbury. 

Mrs. Woodbury had been associated with Mrs. Eddy since 
1879, and had been one of her foremost healers and teachers. 
She had written a great deal for the Journal, had preached 
and lectured as far west as Denver, had organised classes and 
church societies, and had conducted a Christian Science " acad 
emy " at the Hotel Berkshire, in Boston. 

Mrs. Woodbury was clever, self-confident, given to theatrical 
display, ready with her tongue and pen, and she possessed an 
amazing personal influence over her adherents. In short, she 
was the only Christian Scientist in Boston who ever bade fair 
to rival Mrs. Eddy in personal prominence. Like Mrs. Eddy, 
she was ambitious, and delighted in leadership. She, too, could 
send her students hither and yon, and keep them dancing 
attendance upon her telegrams. Some of them lived in her 



house and went to Maine with her in the summer; they sat 
spellbound at her lectures, and put their time and goods at her 

Mrs. Woodbury's group of students and followers were, on 
the whole, very different from the simple, rule-abiding Christian 
Scientists who had been taught directly under Mrs. Eddy's 
personal supervision. Mrs. Eddy's own people never got very 
far away from her hard-and-fast business principles, while 
Mrs. Woodbury's students were distinctly fanciful and senti 
mental, and strove to add all manner of ornamentation to 
Mrs. Eddy's stout homespun. There were two or three musi 
cians among them, and a young illustrator and his handsome 
wife, and most of them wrote verses. Some of Mrs. Woodbury's 
students went abroad with her, and acquired the habit of inter 
larding the regular Christian Science phraseology with a little 
French. Mrs. Woodbury and her students lived in a kind of 
miracle-play of their own ; had inspirations and revelations and 
premonitions ; kept mental trysts ; saw portents and mystic 
meanings in everything; and spoke of God as coming and 
going, agreeing and disagreeing with them. Some of them 
affected cell-like sleeping-chambers, with white walls, bare ex 
cept for a picture of Christ. They longed for martyrdom, 
and made adventures out of the most commonplace occurrences. 
Mrs. Woodbury herself had this marvel-loving temperament. 
Her room was lined with pictures of the Madonna. When she 
went to Denver to lecture on Christian Science in 1887, her 
train was caught in a blizzard ; in relating this experience, she 
describes herself as " face to face with death." Her two 
children fell into the water on the Nantasket coast; Mrs. 


Woodbury " treated " them, and they recovered. She writes 
upon this incident a dramatic article entitled " Drowning 

Mrs. Woodbury and her students thus succeeded in giving 
to Mrs. Eddy's homely " Science " pieced together in dull 
New England shoe towns and first taught to people who worked 
with their hands an emotional colouring which was very dis 
tasteful to Mrs. Eddy herself. Never was any .woman less the 
religieuse. " Discovering and founding " Christian Science had 
been her business, performed, in spite of all her flightiness, in 
a businesslike manner, and her success was eminently a business 
like success. With yearnings and questings and raptures, 
Mrs. Eddy had little patience, and Mrs. Woodbury's romantic 
school, with its spiritual alliances, annoyed her beyond ex 

Meanwhile, Mrs. Woodbury's students inevitably found their 
miracle. In June, 1890, Mrs. Woodbury gave birth to a son 
whom her followers believed was the result of an " immaculate 
conception," and an exemplification of Mrs. Eddy's theory of 
" mental generation." Mrs. Woodbury named her child " The 
Prince of Peace," and baptised him at Ocean Point, Me., in a 
pool which she called " Bethsada." " While there," writes Mrs. 
Woodbury, " occurred the thought of baptising little Prince 
in a singularly beautiful salt pool, whose rocky bottom was 
dry at low tide and overflowing at high tide, but especially 
attractive at mid-tide, with its two feet of crystal water. A 
crowd of people had assembled on the neighbouring bluffs, when 
I brought him from our cottage not far away, and laid him 
three times prayerfully in the pool and when he was lifted there- 


from, they joined in a spontaneously appropriate hymn of 

Mrs. Woodbury would not permit the child, who was called 
Prince for short, to address her husband as " father," but 
insisted that he address Mr. Woodbury as " Frank " and herself 
as " Birdie." The fact that he was a fine, healthy baby, and 
was never ill, seemed to Mrs. Woodbury's disciples conclusive 
evidence that he was the Divine principle of Christian Science 
made manifest in the flesh. It was their pleasure to bring gifts 
to Prince ; to discover in his behaviour indications of his spirit 
ual nature; and they professed to believe that when he grew 
to manhood he would enter upon his Divine ministry. 

Six months before the birth of Prince, Mrs. Woodbury paid 
a visit to Mrs. Eddy, and she seems to imply that the venerable 
leader oracularly foretold the coming of her child. " In Jan 
uary," writes Mrs. Woodbury, " I enjoyed a visit with my ever- 
beloved Teacher, who gave comfort in these words, though at 
the moment they were not received in their deeper import: 
* Go home and be happy. Commit thy ways unto the Lord. 
Trust him, and he will bring it to pass.' " This may have 
suggested to the faithful the visit of Mary to Elizabeth; but 
if there was any miracle-play of this sort in progress, Mrs. 
Eddy had certainly no intention of playing Elizabeth to Mrs. 
Woodbury's Mary. When word was brought her of the birth 
of Mrs. Woodbury's " little Immanuel," as he was often called, 
she was far from being convinced. " Child of light ! " she ex 
claimed indignantly. " She knows it is an imp of Satan." In 
the libel suit which Mrs. Woodbury later brought against her 
Teacher, a letter to her from Mrs. Eddy was, read in court, 


in which Mrs. Eddy said : " Those awful reports about you, 
namely that your last child was illegitimate, etc. I again and 
again tried to suppress that report ; also for what you tried to 
make people believe ; namely, that that child was an immaculate 
conception, . . . and you replied that it was incarnated with 
the Devil." 

Mrs. Eddy was the more vexed with Mrs. Woodbury because 
she herself had undoubtedly taught that in the future, when 
the world had attained a larger growth in Christian Science, 
children would be conceived by communion with the Divine mind ; 
but she probably had no idea that any one of her students, 
ambitious to " demonstrate over material claims," would actually 
attempt to put this theory into practice. She was wise enough, 
moreover, to see that such extravagant claims would bring 
Christian Science into disrepute, and she vigorously denounced 
Mrs. Woodbury's zeal. 

Besides her school in Boston, Mrs. Woodbury had a large 
following in Maine, where she usually spent the summer. In 
1896 Fred D. Chamberlain began a suit against her for the 
alienation of his wife's affections his wife being a pupil of 
Mrs. Woodbury's. At this time, the Boston Traveller, in dis 
cussing Mr. Chamberlain's charge, took up the question of the 
claims that were made for Mrs. Woodbury's son, Prince. The 
Traveller asserted that some of Mrs. Woodbury's students had 
been induced against their will to buy stock in an " air-engine " 
which Mr. Woodbury was exploiting, and published interviews 
with George Macomber and H. E. Jones, both of Augusta, Me., 
who stated that their wives had believed that Mrs. Woodbury's 
child was immaculately conceived, had desired to make presents 


to it, and had urged their husbands to buy stock in the air- 
engine. The Traveller also made the statement that Evelyn 
I. Rowe of Augusta had applied for a divorce from her husband 
upon the ground of non-support, saying that he gave all his 
earnings toward the education and support of Mrs. Woodbury's 
son, Prince, whom Mr. Rowe believed to have been immaculately 
conceived. After the publication of this, Mrs. Woodbury 
promptly sued the Traveller for criminal libel, and lost her case. 
All this notoriety brought matters to a crisis between Mrs. 
Woodbury and Mrs. Eddy. Although Mrs. Eddy had found 
Mrs. Woodbury very useful, she had long distrusted her dis 
cretion, and had endeavoured in various ways to put a check 
upon her. Mrs. Woodbury had first become a member of Mrs. 
Eddy's church in 1886. When the Mother Church was re 
organised, it was necessary, in order that Mrs. Eddy might 
cull out such persons as were distasteful to her, for all the old 
members to apply for admission and be voted upon, just as were 
the new candidates. Mrs. Woodbury was admitted only upon 
the condition that she would undergo a two years' probation, 
and she had some difficulty in getting back even upon those 
terms. Several months before her admission on probation, she 
wrote to Mrs. Eddy, begging her to use her personal influence 
in her behalf. To this petition Mrs. Eddy replied: 

MRS. WOODBURY February 27, 1895. 


I have your letter asking my assistance in getting admission to the 
church. I have made a rule, which has been published in our Journal 
that I shall not be consulted on the applications for membership to this 
church or dismissals from it. This responsibility must rest on the First 
Members according to the rules of the church. Hence I return your letter 
to you and the church. 


May the love that must govern you and the church influence your 
motives, is my fervent wish; But remember, dear student, that malicious 
hypnotism is no excuse for sin. But God's grace is sufficient to govern 
our lives and lead us to moral ends. 

With love 


On April 8 Mrs. Eddy wrote to Mrs. Woodbury: 

Now, dear student try one year not to tell a single falsehood, or to practise 
one cheat, or to break the decalogue, and if you do this to the best of 
your ability at the end of that year God will give you a place in our 
church as sure as you are fit for it. This I know. Don't return evil for 
evil, and you will have your reward. 

April 17 Mrs. Eddy again wrote Mrs. Woodbury a warning 
letter : 

MY DEAR STUDENT: I am willing you should let them read my letter. 
I forgot to mention this, hence my second line to you. Now mark what 
I say. This is your last chance, and you will succeed in getting back, and 
should. But this I warn you, to stop falsifying, and living unpurely in 
thought, in vile schemes, in fraudulent money-getting, etc. I speak plainly 
even as the need is. 

I am not ignorant of your sins, and I am trying to have you in the 
church for protection from those temptations, and to effect your full 
reformation. Remember, the M. A. M., which you say in your letter causes 
you to sin, is not idle, and will cause you to repeat them, and so turn 
you again from the church, unless you pray God to keep you from falling 
into the foul snare. In the consciousness that you and your students 
are mentally speaking to me, I warn you this is forbidden by a strict 
rule of the by-laws as well as by conscience. 


After her admission to the Mother Church, Mrs. Woodbury 
did not go through her two years' probation. Her name was 
dropped from the church roll in the fall of the first year, and 
in the following spring (March 24, 1896) she was reinstated. 
Ten days later she was, in the language of the directors, " for 
ever excommunicated." 


What Mrs. Eddy wished was that Mrs. Woodbury should 
cease to identify herself in any way with Christian Science. 
" How dare you," she wrote to Mrs. Woodbury in the spring 
of 1896, " how dare you in the sight of God, and with your 
character behind the curtain, and your students ready to lift 
it on you, pursue the path perilous? " But Mrs. Woodbury 
was not made of such yielding stuff as the men who had afore 
time obliterated themselves at Mrs. Eddy's bidding. She in 
sisted upon going to Mrs. Eddy's church even after the directors 
refused to let her a pew, and after the little Prince of Peace 
had been taken up by his jacket and put bodily out of the 

Disgruntled Christian Scientists usually went off and started 
a church of their own, and there were by this time almost as 
many " reformed " varieties of Christian Science as there were 
dissenters. Mrs. Gestefeld taught one kind in Chicago, Mrs. 
Crosse another kind in Boston, Frank Mason another in Brook 
lyn, Captain Sabin was soon to teach another in Washington, 
while nearly all the students who had quarrelled with Mrs. 
Eddy or broken away from her were teaching or practising 
some variety of mind-cure. Mrs. Woodbury, accordingly, hired 
a hall this seemed to be the only necessary preliminary in 
those days and started a church of her own, to which her little 
flock followed her. In the Legion of Honour rooms she 
conducted services every Sunday morning. Sometimes she 
preached, sometimes she lectured, and sometimes she read a 
poem. When it was impossible for her to be there, her daughter, 
Gwendolyn, supplied her pulpit. 

In 1897 Mrs. Woodbury published a veiled account of her 


differences with Mrs. Eddy in a pamphlet modestly entitled 
War in Heaven. In this book her criticism of Mrs. Eddy 
is courteous and respectful enough to suggest that she may 
still have hoped for reinstatement. But Mrs. Eddy had by this 
time become convinced that never, since the days of Kennedy, 
had there been such a mesmerist as Mrs. Woodbury. Indeed, 
Mrs. Eddy was not alone in accrediting Mrs. Woodbury with 
a strange hypnotic power. Some of Mrs. Wpodbury's own 
students were confident that if they displeased her she had power 
to bring upon them sickness, insanity, and disaster. They 
whispered tales about Robert W. Rowe of Augusta, Me., who 
had disobeyed and died. Whether Mrs. Eddy really believed 
that the woman was possessed of some diabolical power, or 
whether she saw that Mrs. Woodbury's adventurous tempera 
ment would bring ridicule upon Christian Science, Mrs. Eddy 
was determined to be rid of her, and lost no opportunity to 
discredit her. The two women had it back and forth for several 
years, and in April, 1899, Mrs. Woodbury published in the 
American Register, Paris, a poem which attacked Christian 
Science and which ended with these significant lines: 

Is the Dame that seemed august 

A Doll stuffed with sawdust, 

And must we believe that the Doll stuffed herself? 

Mrs. Woodbury finally crossed the Rubicon by publishing in 
the Arena, May, 1899, an exposure of Mrs. Eddy and her 

In this attack Mrs. Woodbury satirically touched upon Mrs. 
Eddy's conviction that she is the star-crowned woman of the 
Apocalypse, and then took up the Quimby controversy, pro- 


ducing Mrs. Eddy's early letters and newspaper contributions 
as evidence that she got her theory of mind-cure from Mr. 
Quimby. She criticised the English of Science and Health; 
ridiculed the Mother Room; insinuated that Mrs. Eddy had 
illegally conferred degrees, and had been compelled to close 
her college for that reason ; accused her of an inordinate greed 
for money and of " trafficking in the temple." She declared 
that Mrs. Eddy had been a medium, and that she was the victim 
of demonophobia the fear of witchcraft. Mrs. Woodbury 
stated that Mrs. Eddy claimed that she had cured the Prince 
of Wales, now King Edward VII., of his serious illness in 1871, 
and that to do so she had treated him through his royal mother, 
as the Prince's life had been such that she could not approach 
him directly. According to Mrs. Woodbury, Mrs. Eddy said 
that she treated President Garfield after he was shot, and would 
have succeeded in saving his life had not Kennedy and Arens 
maliciously interfered to prevent her from making this convinc 
ing demonstration. 

It seems that in this article Mrs. Woodbury wished to explain 
how she had been led to make such extraordinary claims regard 
ing the birth of her son, Prince. She asserts that Mrs. Eddy 
taught her women students that they might become mothers 
by a supreme effort of their own minds, and that girls were 
terrified by the doctrine that they might be made pregnant 
through the influence of demons. Mrs. Woodbury had proba 
bly repented her own efforts to give a concrete example of 
Mrs. Eddy's theory of " mental generation," and she attacks 
her on this point with peculiar bitterness. She quotes the fol 
lowing passage from Science and Health: 


The propagation of their species without the male element, by butterfly, 
bee, and moth is a discovery corroborative of the Science of Mind, because 
it shows that the origin and continuance of these insects rest on Principle, 
apart from material conditions. 1 An egg never was the origin of a man, 
and no seed ever produced a plant. . . . The belief that life can be 
in matter, or soul in body, and that man springs from dust or from an 
egg, is the brief record of mortal error. . . . The plant grows not 
because of seed or soil. 

Commenting upon this passage, Mrs. Woodbury says : 

To what diabolical conclusions do such deductions lead? One may well 
hesitate to touch this delicate topic in print, yet only thus can the 
immoral possibilities and the utter lack of Divine inspiration in " Christian 
Science " be shown. 

The substance of certain instructions given by Mrs. Eddy in private 
is as follows : 

If Jesus was divinely conceived by the Holy Ghost or Spirit, without 
a human father, Mary not having known her husband, then women may 
become mothers by a supreme effort of their own minds, or through the 
influence upon them of an Unholy Ghost, a malign spirit. Women of 
unquestioned integrity, who have been Mrs. Eddy's students, testify that 
she has so taught, and that by this teaching families have been broken 
up; that thus maidens have been terrified out of their wits, and stimulated 
into a frenzy resembling that of deluded French nuns, who believed them 
selves brought into marital relations with the glorified Jesus, as veritably 
the bridegroom of his church. Whatever her denials may be, such was 
Mrs. Eddy's teaching while in her college; to which she added the oracular 
declaration that it lay within her power to dissolve such motherhood by a 
wave of her celestial rod. 

The selfish celibacy of nuns and clergy, Christian or heathen, with con 
sequent ecclesiastical interference in family life, have been, and are, mis 
chief-breeding blunders, fatal alike to morals and health. One result 
of this interference on the part of Mrs. Eddy is that Christian Science 
families are notably childless. 

Very tenacious is she of the paradoxical title carved on her Boston 
church, " The Discoverer and Founder of Christian Science." Surely a 
"Discoverer" cannot be the "Founder" of that which he has been under 
the necessity of discovering; while a "Founder" would have no need 
of discovering her own foundation. What she has really " discovered " 
are ways and means of perverting and prostituting the science of healing 
to her own ecclesiastical aggrandisement, and to the moral and physical 

1 Science and Health (1886), page 472. 


depravity of her dupes. As she received this science from Dr. Quimby it 
meant simply the healing of bodily ills through a lively reliance on the 
wholeness and order of the Infinite Mind, as clearly perceived and prac 
tically demonstrated by a simple and modest love of one's kind. What 
she has " founded " is a commercial system, monumental in its proportions, 
but already tottering to its fall. 

This certainly was strong language from one who had taught 
Christian Science for ten years, who had often been compared 
to John, the beloved disciple, and who had leaned upon the 
bosom of her Teacher. Mrs. Woodbury's article appeared the 
1st of May, and during that same month her husband, Frank 
Woodbury, died. This, to many of Mrs. Eddy's faithful re 
tainers, seemed like a direct judgment upon the apostate. 

Mrs. Woodbury might have known that Mrs. Eddy would 
have the last word, and that it would be no gentle one. In 
her annual message to the Mother Church, read before the con 
gregation at the June communion service, a few weeks after 
Mr. Woodbury's death, Mrs. Eddy indulged in certain vivid 
rhetoric which Mrs. Woodbury and her friends believed referred 
directly to Mrs. Woodbury ; to her efforts to get back into 
the church ; to her alleged practice of malicious animal magnet 
ism; and to her widowhood. The address was not only read 
aloud in the church, but was published in the Christian Science 
Sentinel and in the Boston Herald. Mrs. Woodbury, accord 
ingly, brought a suit for criminal libel against Mrs. Eddy. 

The case came to trial in the following June, when Boston 
was full of Christian Scientists who had come to attend the 
June communion. Mrs. Woodbury lost her suit because such 
Christian Scientists as were summoned as witnesses testified that 
they had not understood Mrs. Eddy's denunciation to refer 


to Mrs. Woodbury in particular. One of the witnesses, however, 
Mr. William G. Nixon, Mrs. Eddy's former publisher, stated 
that he had understood that Mrs. Eddy meant Josephine Wood- 

During the trial the courtroom was crowded with Christian 
Scientists, and Mrs. Woodbury decided that they had effected 
the outcome of the suit by concentrating their minds upon the 
judge and witnesses, and by " treating " them in Mrs. Eddy's 
behalf. She, accordingly, would not permit an appeal, but 
abjured Christian Science and retired into private life; and 
with Mrs. Woodbury's defeat perished the romantic movement 
in Christian Science. 






A Lady with a Lamp shall stand 
In the great history of our land, 
A noble type of good, 
Heroic womanhood. 1 
Motto upon the cover of the Christian Science Sentinel. 

AFTER the opening of the Mother Church in Boston, Chris 
tian Science was generally recognised as an established religion. 
The church had now a general membership of 1,500 and a 
substantial house of worship ; and although the very foundation 
and fabric of the church was a denial of the visible and material, 
nothing served to give it recognition and standing like this 
actual sign of its existence. At the World's Congress of Re 
ligions in Chicago in 1893, Septimus J. Hanna, who was then 
pastor of the Mother Church, read an address, composed of 
selections from Mrs. Eddy's books, which attracted favourable 
attention, and Mrs. Eddy, as the founder of the church, became 

1 This verse is taken from Longfellow's Filomena, which was written as a 
tribute to Florence Nightingale's work in the hospital at Scutari. In St. 
Thomas' hospital in London there is a statuette of Florence Nightingale in 
nurse's dress, holding in her hands a night lamp such as she used in making 
her rounds in Scutari. Upon this statuette, which is called The Lady with 
the Lamp, is inscribed Longfellow's verse. 

The cover design of the Christian Science Sentinel contains a conventionalised 
figure of a woman holding a Greek lamp. Under it is inscribed the motto 
quoted above. 



an object of public curiosity and interest. In 1895 she adopted 
the title " Mother," 2 and instituted the Concord " pilgrimages " 
which later became so conspicuous. By this time the church 
membership had so increased that most of Mrs. Eddy's followers 
had never seen their leader, and as Mrs. Eddy did not attend 
the annual communion 3 of the general membership in the Mother 
Church, she telegraphed an invitation, after the June com 
munion in 1895, to the congregation, to call upon her at 
Pleasant View. Accordingly, one hundred and eighty Christian 
Scientists boarded the train at Boston and went up to Concord. 
Mrs. Eddy threw her house open to them, received them in per 
son, shook hands with each delegate, and conversed with many. 

After the communion in 1897, twenty-five hundred enthusi 
astic pilgrims crowded into the little New Hampshire capital. 
Although the Scientists hired every available conveyance in Con 
cord, there were not enough carriages to accommodate their 
numbers, so hundreds of the pilgrims walked out Pleasant 
Street to Mrs. Eddy's home. 

Mrs. Eddy again received her votaries, greeted them cordially, 
and made a long address. The Journal says that her manner 

2 The Title of Mother. In the year 1895 loyal Scientists had given to the 
author of their textbook, the Founder of Christian Science, the individual, 
endearing term of Mother. Therefore, if a student of Christian Science shall 
apply this title, either to herself or to others except as the term for kinship 
according to the flesh, it shall be regarded by the church as an indication of 
disrespect for their Pastor Emeritus, and unfltness to be a member of the 
Mother Church. Church Manual, Article XXII, Section 1. 

In 1003 Mrs. Eddy issued a new by-law, which stated that "owing to the 
public misunderstanding of this name, it is the duty of Christian Scientists 
to drop the word mother, and to substitute Leader." This action was taken 
not long after Mark Twain, in the North American Reriew, had called at 
tention to the title, cleverly ridiculing it. Mrs. Eddy and other Christian 
Scientists replied to Twain's articles, but the shaft had touched a vulnerable 
point and the title was dropped. 

3 This communion was originally observed once each quarter and then twice 
a year. Since 1899 it has been observed but once a year, on the second Sun 
day in June. No " material " emblems, such as bread and wine, are offered, 
and the communion is one of silent thought. On Monday the directors meet 
and transact the business of the year, and on Tuesday the officers' reports are 
read. As most members of the branch churches are also members of the 
Mother Church, thousands of Christian Scientists from all over the United 
States visit Boston at this time. 


upon this occasion was peculiar for its " utter freedom from 
sensationalism or the Mesmeric effect that so many speakers 
seem to exert," and adds that she was " calm and unimpassioned, 
but strong and convincing." The Journal also states that 
upon this occasion Mrs. Eddy wore " a royal purple silk dress 
covered with black lace " and a " dainty bonnet." She wore 
her diamond cross and the badge of the Daughters of the Revo 
lution in diamonds and rubies. 

In 1901 4 three thousand of the June communicants went 
from Boston to Concord on three special trains. They were 
not admitted to the house, but Mrs. Eddy appeared upon her 
balcony for a moment and spoke to them, saying that they had 
already heard from her in her message to the Mother Church, 
and that she would pause but a moment to look into their dear 
faces and then return to her " studio." The Journal comments 
upon her " erect form and sprightly step," and says that she 
wore " what might have been silk or satin, figured, and cut 
en traine. Upon her white hair rested a bonnet with fluttering 
blue and old gold trimmings." 

The last of these pilgrimages occurred in 1904, when Mrs. 
Eddy invited the pilgrims to come, not to Pleasant View but 
to the new Christian Science church in Concord. Fifteen hun 
dred of them gathered in front of the church and stood in 
reverent silence as Mrs. Eddy's carriage approached. The 
horses were stopped in front of the assemblage, and Mrs. Eddy 
signalled the President of the Mother Church to approach 

4 At the 1898 communion there was no invitation from Mrs. Eddy, but a 
number of communicants went up to Concord to see her house and to see her 
start out upon her daily drive. In June, 1899, Mrs. Eddy came to Boston and 
briefly addressed the annual business meeting of the church. In 1W2 
1903 there were no formal pilgrimages, although hundreds of Christian 
Scientists went to Concord to catch a glimpse of Mrs. Eddy upon her drive. 


her carriage. To him, as representing the church body, she 
spoke her greeting. Her voice was very weak and she had aged 
visibly since her last official appearance. This was her last 
meeting with the general congregation of her church. 

The yearning which these people felt toward Mrs. Eddy, 
and their rapture at beholding her, can only be described by 
one of the pilgrims. In the Journal, June, 1899, Miss Martha 
Sutton Thompson writes to describe a visit, which she made 
in January of that year to the meeting of the Christian Science 
Board of Education in Boston. She says : 

When I decided to attend I also hoped to see our Mother. ... I 
saw that if I allowed the thought that I must see her personally to 
transcend the desire to obey and grow into the likeness of her teachings, 
this mistake would obscure my understanding of both the Revelator and 
the Revelation. After the members of the Board had retired they re 
appeared upon the rostrum and my heart beat quickly with the thought 
" perhaps she has come." But no, it was to read her message. . . . 
She said God was with us and to give her love to all the class. It was so 
precious to get it directly from her. 

The following day five of us made the journey to Concord, drove out 
to Pleasant View, and met her face to face on her daily drive. She 
seemed watching to greet us, for when she caught sight of our faces 
she instantly half rose with expectant face, bowing, smiling, and waving 
her hand to each of us. Then as she went out of our sight, kissed her 
hand to all. 

I will not attempt to describe the Leader, nor can I say what this 
brief glimpse was and is to me. I can only say I wept and the tears 
start every time I think of it. Why do I weep? I think it is because I 
want to be like her and they are tears of repentance. I realise better 
now what it was that made Mary Magdalen weep when she came into the 
presence of the Nazarene. 

After the pilgrimages were discouraged, there was no way 
in which her devoted disciples could ever see Mrs. Eddy. They 
used, indeed, like Miss Thompson, to go to Concord and linger 
about the highways to catch a glimpse of her as she drove by, 


until she rebuked them in a new by-law in the Church Manual: 
" Thou Shalt not Steal. Sect. 15. Neither a Christian Scien 
tist, his student or his patient, nor a member of the Mother 
Church shall daily and continuously haunt Mrs. Eddy's drive 
by meeting her once or more every day when she goes out on 
penalty of being disciplined and dealt with justly by her 
church," etc. 

Mrs. Eddy did her last public teaching in the Christian 
Science Hall in Concord, November 21 and 22, 1898. There 
were sixty-one persons in this class, several from Canada, one 
from England, and one from Scotland, and Mrs. Eddy refused 
to accept any remuneration for her instruction. The first lesson 
lasted about two hours, the second nearly four. " Only two 
lessons," says the Journal, " but such lessons ! Only those who 
have sat under this wondrous teaching can form a conjecture 
of what these classes were." " We mention," the Journal con 
tinues, " a sweet incident and one which deeply touched the 
Mother's heart. Upon her return from class she found beside 
her plate at dinner table a lovely white rose with the card of 
a young lady student accompanying on which she chastely re 
ferred to the last couplet of the fourth stanza of that sweet 
poem from the Mother's pen, * Love.' 

" Thou to whose power our hope we give 

Free us from human strife. 
Fed by Thy love divine we live 
For Love alone is Life," etc. 

Mrs. Eddy now achieved publicity in a good many ways, 
and to such publications as afforded her space and appreciation 
she was able to grant reciprocal favours. The Granite 


Monthly, a little magazine published at Concord, N. H., printed 
Mrs. Eddy's poem, " Easter Morn," and a highly laudatory 
article upon her. Mrs. Eddy responded in the Christian Science 
Journal with a request that all Christian Scientists subscribe 
to the Granite Monthly, which they promptly did. Colonel 
Oliver C. Sabin, a politician in Washington, D. C., was editor 
of a purely political publication, the Washington News Letter. 
A Congressman one day attacked Christian Science in a speech. 
Colonel Sabin, whose paper was just then making things un 
pleasant for that particular Congressman, wrote an editorial 
in defence of Christian Science. Mrs. Eddy inserted a card 
in the Journal requesting all Christian Scientists to subscribe 
to the News Letter. This brought Colonel Sabin such a revenue 
that he dropped politics altogether and turned his political 
paper into a religious periodical. 5 Mr. James T. White, pub 
lisher of the National Encyclopedia of American Biography, 
gave Mrs. Eddy a generous place in his encyclopaedia and wrote 
a poem to her. Mrs. Eddy requested, through the Journal, 
that all Christian Scientists buy Mr. White's volume of verse 
for Christmas presents, and the Christian Science Publication 
Society marketed Mr. White's verses. Mrs. Eddy made a point 
of being on good terms with the Concord papers ; she furnished 
them with many columns of copy, and the editors came to 
realise that her presence in Concord brought a great deal of 
money into the town. From 1898 to 1901 the files of the 
Journal echo increasing material prosperity, and show that 
both Mrs. Eddy and her church were much more taken account 

8 Colonel Sabin's popularity with Mrs. Eddy and her followers was short 
lived. Some months later, Sabin repudiated Mrs. Eddy's leadership and started 
an Independent healing movement, and Mrs. Eddy at once withdrew her 
support and that of all Christian Scientists. 


of than formerly. Articles by Mrs. Eddy are quoted from vari 
ous newspapers whose editors had requested her to express her 
views upon the war with Spain, the Puritan Thanksgiving, etc. 

In the autumn of 1901 Mrs. Eddy wrote an article on the 
death of President McKinley. Commenting upon this article, 
Harper's Weekly said : " Among others who have spoken [on 
President McKinley's death] was Mrs. Eddy, the Mother of 
Christian Science. She issued two utterances which were read 
in her churches. . . . Both of these discourses are seemly and 
kind, but they are materially different from the writings of 
any one else. Reciting the praises of the dead President, Mrs. 
Eddy says : ' May his history waken a tone of truth that shall 
reverberate, renew euphony, emphasise human power and bear 
its banner into the vast forever.' No one else said anything 
like that. Mother Eddy's style is a personal asset. Her sen 
tences usually have the considerable literary merit of being 

Of this editorial the Journal says, with a candour almost 
incredible : " We take pleasure in republishing from that old- 
established and valuable publication, Harper's Weekly, the 
following merited tribute to Mrs. Eddy's utterances," etc. 
Then follows the editorial quoted above. 

In the winter of 1898 Christian Science received great pub 
licity through the death, under Christian Science treatment, 
of the American journalist and novelist, Harold Frederic, in 
England. Mr. Frederic's readers were not, as a rule, people 
who knew much about Christian Science, and his taking off 
brought the new cult to the attention of thousands of people 
for the first time. 


In December, 1898, the Earl of Dunmore, a peer of the 
Scottish Realm, and his Countess, came to Boston to study 
Christian Science. They were received by Mrs. Eddy at Pleas 
ant View, and Lady Dunmore was present at the June com 
munion, 1899. According to the Journal, Lady Dunmore's 
son, Lord Fincastle, left his regiment in India and came to 
Boston to join his mother in this service, and then returned 
immediately to his military duties. Lady Mildred Murray, 
daughter of the Countess, also came to America to attend the 
annual communion. A pew was reserved upon the first floor 
of the church for this titled family, although the Journal ex 
plains that " the reservation of a pew for the Countess of 
Dunmore and her family was wholly a matter of international 
courtesy, and not in any sense a tribute to their rank." 

In these prosperous years the Rev. Irving C. Tomlinson, in 
commenting in the Journal upon Brander Matthews' statement 
that English seemed destined to become the world-language, 
says : " It may be that Prof. Matthews has written better than 
he knew. Science and Health is fast reaching all parts of the 
world; and as our text-book may never be translated into a 
foreign tongue, may it not be expected to fulfil the prophet's 
hope, ' Then will I turn to the people a pure language,' " etc. 

In January, 1901, Mrs. Eddy called her directors together 
and charged them to send expressions of sympathy to the 
British government and to King Edward upon the death of 
the Queen. 

Truly the days of the Lynn shoemakers and the little Broad 
Street tenement were far gone by, and it must have seemed 
to Mrs. Eddy that she was living in one of those New York 


Ledger romances which had so delighted her in those humbler 
times. Even a less spirited woman than she would have ex 
panded under all this notoriety, and Mrs. Eddy, as always, 
caught the spirit of the play. A letter written to her son, 
George Glover, April 27, 1898, conveys some idea of how 
Mrs. Eddy appeared to herself at this time : 

PLEASANT VIEW, CONCORD, N. H., April 27, 1898. 

DEAR Sox: Yours of latest date came duly. That which you cannot 
write I understand, and will say, I am reported as dying, wholly decriped 
and useless, etc. Now one of these reports is just as true as the others 
are. My life is as pure as that of the angels. God has lifted me up to 
my work, and if it was not pure it would not bring forth good fruits. The 
Bible says the tree is known by its fruit. 

But I need not say this to a Christian Scientist, who knows it. I thank 
you for any interest you may feel in your mother. I am alone in the 
world, more lone than a solitary star. Although it is duly estimated by 
business characters and learned scholars that I lead and am obeyed by 
300,000 people at this date. The most distinguished newspapers ask me to 
write on the most important subjects. Lords and ladies, carles, princes 
and marquises and marchionesses from abroad write to me in the most 
complimentary manner. Hoke Smith declares I am the most illustrious 
woman on the continent those are his exact words. Our senators and 
members of Congress call on me for counsel. But what of all this? I 
am not made the least proud by it or a particle happier for it. I am 
working for a higher purpose. 

Now what of my circumstances? I name first my home, which of all 
places on earth is the one in which to find peace and enjoyment. But my 
home is simply a house and a beautiful landscape. There is not one 
in it that I love only as I love everybody. I have no congeniality with 
my help inside of my house; they are no companions and scarcely fit to 
be my help. 

I adopted a son hoping he would take Mr. Frye's place as my book 
keeper and man of all work that belongs to man. But my trial of him 
has proved another disappointment. His books could not be audited they 
were so incorrect, etc., etc. Mr. Frye is the most disagreeable man that 
can be found, but this he is, namely (if there is one on earth), an honest 
man, as all will tell you who deal with him. At first mesmerism swayed 
him, but he learned through my forbearance to govern himself. He is a 
man that would not steal, commit adultery, or fornication, or break one 


of the Ten Commandments. I have now done, but I could write a volume 
on what I have touched upon. 

One thing is the severest wound of all, namely, the want of education 
among those nearest to me in kin. I would gladly give every dollar 
I possess to have one or two and three that are nearest to me on earth 
possess a thorough education. If you had been educated as I intend to 
have you, to-day you could, would, be made President of the United States. 
Mary's letters to me are so mis-spelled that I blush to read them. 

You pronounce your words so wrongly and then she spells them accord 
ingly. I am even yet too proud to have you come among my society and 
alas ! mispronounce your words as you do ; but for this thing I should 
be honoured by your good manners and I love you. With love to all 


P. S. My letter is so short I add a postscript. I have tried about one 
dozen bookkeepers and had to give them all up, either for dishonesty, 
or incapacity. I have not had my books audited for five years, and Mr. 
Ladd, who is famous for this, audited them last week, and gives me his 
certificate that they are all right except in some places not quite plain, and 
he showed Frye how to correct that. Then he, Frye gave me a check for 
that amount before I knew about it. 

The slight mistake occurred four years ago and he could not remember 
about the things. But Mr. Ladd told me that he knew it was only not set 
down in a coherent way for in other parts of the book he could trace 
where it was put down in all probability, but not orderly. When I can 
get a Christian, as I know he is, and a woman that can fill his place I shall 
do it. But I have no time to receive company, to call on others, or to go 
out of my house only to drive. Am always driven with work for others, 
but nobody to help me even to get help such as I would choose. 



The idea of her own possible political power was evidently 
rather pleasing to Mrs. Eddy, for in a letter to the editor 
of the Concord Monitor, October 2, 1897, she had already sug 
gested it. " It would seem," she writes, " as if Christian Sci 
ence were engirdling the earth. London lords and ladies throng 
to learn its teachings, it is in the White House of our national 
capital, in Windsor Castle, England, and the leading minds in 
almost every Christian land are adopting its essential theo- 


logical points. ... As it is, if you were a candidate for the 
Presidency, mayhap I could give you one hundred thousand 
votes for the chair in Washington, D. C." While Mrs. Eddy 
was working out her larger policy she did not forget the little 
things. The manufacture of Christian Science jewelry was at 
one time a thriving business, conducted by the J. C. Derby 
Company of Concord. Christian Science emblems and Mrs. 
Eddy's " favourite flower " were made up into cuff-buttons, 
rings, brooches, watches, and pendants, varying in price from 
$325 to $2.50. The sale of the Christian Science teaspoons 
was especially profitable. The " Mother spoon," an ordinary 
silver spoon, sold for $5.00. Mrs. Eddy's portrait was em 
bossed upon it, a picture of Pleasant View, Mrs. Eddy's signa 
ture, and the motto, " Not Matter but Mind Satisfieth." Mrs. 
Eddy stimulated the sale of this spoon by inserting the follow 
ing request in the Journal : 6 

On each of these most beautiful spoons is a motto in has relief that 
every person on earth needs to hold in thought. Mother requests that 
Christian Scientists shall not ask to be informed what this motto is, but 
each Scientist shall purchase at least one spoon, and those who can afford 
it, one dozen spoons, that their families may read this motto at every 
meal, and their guests be made partakers of its simple truth. 


The above-named spoons are sold by the Christian Science Souvenir 
Company, Concord, N. H., and will soon be on sale at the Christian 
Science reading rooms throughout the country. 

Mrs. Eddy's picture was another fruitful source of revenue. 
The copyright for this is still owned by the Derby Company. 
This portrait is known as the " authorised " photograph of Mrs. 
Eddy. It was sold for years as a genuine photograph of Mrs. 

'February, 1899. 


Eddy, but it is admitted now at Christian Science salesrooms 
that this picture is a " composite." The cheapest sells for one 
dollar. When they were ready for sale, in May, 1899, Mrs. 
Eddy, in the Journal of that date, announced : 

It is with pleasure I certify that after months of incessant toil and 
at great expense Mr. Henry P. Moore, and Mr. J. C. Derby of Concord, 
N. H., have brought out a likeness of me far superior to the one they 
offered for sale last November. The portrait they have now perfected 
I cordially endorse. Also I declare their sole right to the making and 
exclusive sale of the duplicates of said portrait. 

I simply ask that those who love me purchase this portrait. 


The material prosperity of the Mother Church continued and 
the congregation soon outgrew the original building. At the 
June communion in 1902 ten thousand Christian Scientists were 
present. In the business meeting which followed they pledged 
themselves, " with startling grace," as Mrs. Eddy put it, to 
raise two million dollars, or any part of that sum which should 
be needed, to build an annex. 

In the late spring of 1906 the enormous addition to the 
Mother Church the " excelsior extension," as Mrs. Eddy calls 
it was completed, and it was dedicated at the annual com 
munion, June 10, of that year. The original building was in 
the form of a cross, so Mrs. Eddy had the new addition built 
with a dome to represent a crown. The auditorium is capable 
of holding five thousand people; the walls are decorated with 
texts signed " Jesus, the Christ " and " Mary Baker G. Eddy " 
these names standing side by side. 





AMONG the mistakes of Mrs. Eddy's early life must be 
accounted her indifference to her only child, George Washing 
ton Glover. Mrs. Eddy's first husband died six months after 
their marriage, and the son was not born until three months 
after his father's death. When he was a baby, living with 
Mrs. Glover in his aunt's house, his mother's indifference to 
him was such as to cause comment in her family and indignation 
on the part of her father, Mark Baker. 1 The symptoms of 
serious nervous disorder so conspicuous in Mrs. Eddy's young 
womanhood the exaggerated hysteria, the anaesthesia, the 
mania for being rocked and swung are sometimes accompa- 
ned by a lack of maternal feeling, and the absence of it in Mrs. 
Eddy must be considered, like her lack of the sense of smell, 
a defect of constitution rather than a vice of character. 

After he went West with the Cheneys in 1857, George Glover 
did not see his mother again until 1879. He was then living 
in Minnesota, a man of thirty-five, when he received a telegram 
from Mrs. Eddy, dated from Lynn, and asking him to meet 

1 For a full account of Mrs. Eddy's separation from her son, see Chapter II. 



her immediately in Cincinnati. This was the time when Mrs. 
Eddy believed that mesmerism was overwhelming her in Lynn ; 
that every stranger she met in the streets, and even inanimate 
objects, were hostile to her, and that she must " flee " from 
the hypnotists (Kennedy and Spofford) to save her cause and 
her life. Unable to find any trace of his mother in Cincinnati, 
George Glover telegraphed to the Chief of Police in Lynn. 
Some days later he received another telegram from his mother, 
directing him to meet her in Boston. He went to Boston, and 
found that Mrs. Eddy and her husband, Asa G. Eddy, had 
left Lynn for a time and were staying in Boston at the house 
of Mrs. Clara Choate. Glover remained in Boston for some 
time and then returned to his home in the West. 

George Glover's longest stay in Boston was in 1888, when 
he brought his family and spent the winter in Chelsea. His 
relations with his mother were then of a friendly but very 
formal nature. In the autumn, when he first proposed going 
to Boston, his plan was to spend a few months with his mother. 
Mrs. Eddy, however, wrote him that she had no room for him 
in her house and positively forbade him to come. Mrs. Eddy's 
letter reads as follows: 

Massachusetts Metaphysical College. 
Rev. Mary B. G. Eddy, President. 

No. 571 Columbus ave. 

BOSTON, Oct. 31, 1887 

DEAR GEORGE: Yours received. I am surprised that you think of coming 
to visit me when I live in a schoolhouse and have no room that I can let 
even a boarder into. 

I use the whole of my rooms and am at work in them more or less 
all the time. 

Besides this I have all I can meet without receiving company. I must 
have quiet in my house, and it will not be pleasant for you in Boston 


the Choates are doing all they can by falsehood, and public shames, such 
as advertising a college of her own within a few doors of mine when she 
is a disgraceful woman and known to be, I am going to give up my lease 
when this class is over, and cannot pay your board nor give you a single 
dollar now. I am alone, and you never would come to me when I called 
for you, and now I cannot have you come. 

1 want quiet and Christian life alone with God, when I can find intervals 
for a little rest. You are not what I had hoped to find you, and I am 
changed. The world, the flesh and evil I am at war with, and if any one 
comes to me it must be to help me and not to hinder me in this warfare. 
If you will stay away from me until I get through with my public labour 
then I will send for you and hope to then have a home to take you to. 

As it now is, I have none, and you will injure me by coming to Boston 
at this time more than I have room to state in a letter. I asked you to 
come to me when my husband died and I so much needed some one to 
help me. You refused to come then in my great needs, and I then gave 
up ever thinking of you in that line. Now I have a clerk 2 who is a pure- 
minded Christian, and two girls to assist me in the college. These are 
all that I can have under this roof. 

If you come after getting this letter I shall feel you have no regard 
for my interest or feelings, which I hope not to be obliged to feel. 

Boston is the last place in the world for you or your family. When I 
retire from business and into private life, then I can receive you if you 
are reformed, but not otherwise. I say this to you, not to any one else. 
I would not injure you any more than myself. As ever sincerely, 

M. B. G. EDDY. 

After Mrs. Eddy retired to Pleasant View, neither her son 
nor his family were permitted to visit her, and, when they came 
East, they experienced a good deal of difficulty in seeing her 
at all. Mr. Glover believed that his letters to his mother were 
sometimes answered by Mr. Frye, and that some of his letters 
never reached his mother at all. Mr. Glover states that he 
finally sent his mother a letter by express, with instructions 
to the Concord agent that it was to be delivered to her in 
person, and to no one else. He was notified that Mrs. Eddy 
could not receive the letter except through her secretary, Calvin 

2 Calvin Frye. 


January 2, 1907, Mr. Glover and his daughter, Mary Baker 
Glover, were permitted to have a brief interview with Mrs. Eddy 
at Pleasant View. Mr. Glover states that he was shocked at his 
mother's physical condition and alarmed by the rambling in 
coherent nature of her conversation. In talking to him she 
made the old charges and the old complaints : " people " had 
been stealing her " things " ( as she used to say they did in 
Lynn); people wanted to kill her; two carriage horses had 
been presented to her which, had she driven behind them, would 
have run away and injured her they had been sent, she 
thought, for that especial purpose. 

After this interview Mr. Glover and his daughter went to 
Washington, D. C., to ask legal advice from ex-Senator William 
E. Chandler. While there Mr. Glover received the following 
letter from his mother: 

PLEASANT VIEW, CONCORD, N. H., Jan. 11, 1907. 

MY DEAR SON: The enemy to Christian Science is by the wickedest 
powers of hypnotism trying to do me all the harm possible by acting on 
the minds of people to make them lie about me and my family. In view 
of all this I herein and hereby ask this favour of you. I have done for 
you what I could, and never to my recollection have I asked but once 
before this a favour of my only child. Will you send to me by express 
all the letters of mine that I have written to you? This will be a great 
comfort to your mother if you do it. Send all ALL of them. Be sure of 
that. If you will do this for me I will make you and Mary some presents 
of value, I assure you. Let no one but Mary and your lawyer, Mr. Wilson, 
know what I herein write to Mary and you. With love, 


Mr. Glover refused to give up his letters, and on March 1, 
1907, he began, by himself and others as next friends, an action 
in Mrs. Eddy's behalf against ten prominent Christian Scien 
tists, among whom were Calvin Frye, Alfred Farlow, and the 


officers of the Mother Church in Boston. This action was 
brought in the Superior Court of New Hampshire. Mr. Glover 
asked for an adjudication that Mrs. Eddy was incompetent, 
through age and failing faculties, to manage her estate; that 
a receiver of her property be appointed; and that the various 
defendants named be required to account for alleged misuse 
of her property. Six days later Mrs. Eddy met this action 
by declaring a trusteeship for the control of her estate. The 
trustees named were responsible men, gave bond for $500,000, 
and their trusteeship was to last during Mrs. Eddy's lifetime. 
In August Mr. Glover withdrew his suit. 

This action brought by her son, which undoubtedly caused 
Mrs. Eddy a great deal of annoyance, was another result of 
those indirect methods to which she has always clung so per 
sistently. When her son appealed to her for financial aid, she 
chose, instead of meeting him with a candid refusal, to tell 
him that she was not allowed to use her own money as she 
wished, that Mr. Frye made her account for every penny, etc., 
etc. Mr. Glover made the mistake of taking his mother at 
her word. He brought his suit upon the supposition that his 
mother was the victim of designing persons who controlled her 
affairs without consulting her, against her wish, and to their 
own advantage a hypothesis which his attorneys entirely failed 
to establish. 

This lawsuit disclosed one interesting fact, namely, that 
while in 1893 securities of Mrs. Eddy amounting to $100,000 
were brought to Concord, and in January, 1899, she had $236,- 
200, and while in 1907 she had about a million dollars' worth 
of taxable property, Mrs. Eddy in 1901 returned a signed 


statement to the assessors at Concord that the value of her 
taxable property amounted to about $19,000. This statement 
was sworn to year after year by Mr. Frye. 

About a month after Mr. Glover's suit was withdrawn, Mrs. 
Eddy purchased, through Robert Walker, a Christian Scientist 
real-estate agent in Chicago, the old Lawrence mansion in 
Newton, a suburb of Boston. The house was remodelled and 
enlarged in great haste and at a cost which must almost have 
equalled the original purchase price, $100,000. All the 
arrangements were conducted with secrecy, and very few Chris 
tian Scientists knew that it was Mrs. Eddy's intention to occupy 
this house until she was there in person. 

On Sunday, January 26, 1908, at two o'clock in the after 
noon, Mrs. Eddy, attended by nearly a score of her followers, 
boarded a special train at Concord. Extraordinary precau 
tions were taken to prevent accidents. A pilot-engine pre 
ceded the locomotive which drew Mrs. Eddy's special train, 
and the train was followed by a third engine to prevent the 
possibility of a rear-end collision. Dr. Alpheus B. Merrill, a 
second cousin of Mrs. Eddy and a practising physician of 
Concord, was of her party. Mrs. Eddy's face was heavily 
veiled when she took the train at Concord and when she alighted 
at Chestnut Hill station. Her carriage arrived at the Law 
rence house late in the afternoon, and she was lifted out and 
carried into the house by one of her male attendants. 

Mrs. Eddy's new residence is a fine old stone mansion which 
has been enlarged without injury to its original dignity. The 
grounds cover an area of about twelve acres and are well 
wooded. The house now contains about twenty-five rooms. 


There is an electric elevator adjoining Mrs. Eddy's private 
apartments and two large vaults have been built into the house. 
Since her arrival at Chestnut Hill, Mrs. Eddy, upon one of 
her daily drives, saw for the first time the new building which 
completes the Mother Church and which, like the original mod 
est structure, is a memorial to her. 

There are many reasons why Mrs. Eddy may have decided 
to leave Concord. But the extreme haste with which her new 
residence was got ready for her a body of several hundred 
labourers was kept busy upon it all day, and another shift, 
equally large, worked all night by the aid of arc-lights sug 
gests that, even if practical considerations brought about Mrs. 
Eddy's change of residence, her extreme impatience may have 
resulted from a more personal motive. It is very probable that 
Mrs. Eddy left Concord for the same reason that she left 
Boston years ago : because she felt that malicious animal mag 
netism was becoming too strong for her there. The action 
brought by her son in Concord the previous summer she attrib 
uted entirely to the work of mesmerists who were supposed to 
be in control of her son's mind. Mrs. Eddy always believed that 
this strange miasma of evil had a curious tendency to become 
localised: that certain streets, mail-boxes, telegraph-offices, 
vehicles, could be totally suborned by these invisible currents 
of hatred and ill-will that had their source in the minds of her 
enemies and continually encircled her. She believed that in this 
way an entire neighbourhood could be made inimical to her, 
and it is quite possible that, after the recent litigation in Con 
cord, she felt that the place had become saturated with mesmer 
ism and that she would never again find peace there. 






THE years since 1892 Mrs. Eddy has spent in training her 
church in the way she desires it to go, in making it more and 
more her own, and in issuing by-law after by-law to restrict 
her followers in their church privileges and to guide them in 
their daily walk. Mrs. Eddy, one must remember, was fifty 
years of age before she knew what she wanted to do; sixty 
when she bethought herself of the most effective way to do it, 
by founding a church, and seventy when she achieved her 
greatest triumph the reorganisation and personal control of 
the Mother Church. But she did not stop there. Between her 
seventieth and eightieth year, and even up to the present time, 
she has displayed remarkable ingenuity in disciplining her 
church and its leaders, and resourcefulness and energy in the 
prosecution of her plans. 

Mrs. Eddy's system of church government was not devised 
in a month or a year, but grew, by-law on by-law, to meet 
new emergencies and situations. To attain the end she desired 
it was necessary to keep fifty or sixty thousand people working 



as if the church were the first obj ect in their lives ; to encourage 
hundreds of these to adopt church-work as their profession 
and make it their only chance of worldly success; and yet to 
hold all this devotion and energy in subservience to Mrs. Eddy 
herself and to prevent any one of these healers, or preachers, 
or teachers from attaining any marked personal prominence and 
from acquiring a personal following. The church was to have 
all the vigour of spontaneous growth, but was to grow only as 
Mrs. Eddy permitted and to confine itself to the trellis she 
had built for it. 

Naturally, the first danger lay in the pastors of her branch 
churches. Mrs. Stetson and Mrs. Laura Lathrop had built 
up strong churches in New York; Mrs. Ewing was pastor of 
a flourishing church in Chicago ; Mrs. Leonard of another in 
Brooklyn ; Mrs. Williams in Buffalo ; Mrs. Steward in Toronto ; 
Mr. Norcross in Denver. These pastors naturally became 
leaders among the Christian Scientists in their respective com 
munities, and came to be regarded as persons authorised to 
expound Science and Health and the doctrines of Christian 
Science. Such a state of things Mrs. Eddy considered danger 
ous, not only because of the personal influence the pastor might 
acquire over his flock, but because a pastor might, even without 
intending to do so, give a personal colour to his interpretation 
of her words. In his sermon he might expand her texts and 
improvise upon her themes until gradually his hearers would 
come to accept his own opinions for Mrs. Eddy's. The church 
in Toronto might come to emphasise doctrines which the church 
in Denver did not; here was a possible beginning of differing 


So, as Mrs. Eddy splendidly puts it, " In 1895 I ordained 
the Bible and Science and Health with Key to the Scriptures, 
as the Pastor, on this planet, of all the churches of the Chris 
tian Science Denomination." In the Journal of April, 1895, 
she announced, without previous warning, that there were to be 
no more preachers ; that each church should have, instead, a 
First and a Second Reader, and that the Sunday sermon was 
to consist of extracts from the Bible and from Science and 
Health, read to the congregation. In the beginning the First 
Reader read from the Bible and the Second Reader from Mrs. 
Eddy's book. But this Mrs. Eddy soon changed. The First 
Reader now reads from Science and Health, and the Second 
reads those passages of the Bible which Mrs. Eddy selects as 
correlative. This service, Mrs. Eddy declares, was " authorised 
by Christ." 1 

When Mrs. Eddy issued this injunction, every Christian 
Science preacher promptly and silently obeyed it. Many of 
them kissed the rod. L. P. Norcross, one of the deposed pastors, 
wrote humbly in the August Journal: 

Did any one expect such a revelation, such a new departure would be 

given? No, not in the way it came A former pastor of the 

Mother Church once remarked that the day would dawn when the current 
methods of preaching and worship would disappear, but he could not 
discern how. . . . Such disclosures are too high for us to perceive. 
To One alone did the message come. 

Mrs. Eddy had no grudge against her pastors, and many of 

1 In a notice to the churches, 1897, Mrs. Eddy says : 

" The Bible and the Christian Science text-book are our only preachers. We 
shall now read scriptural texts and their co-relative passages from our text 
book these comprise our sermon. The canonical writings, together with 
the word of our text-book, corroborating and explaining the Bible texts in their 
denominational, spiritual import and application to all ages, past, present, and 
future, constitute a sermon undivorced from truth, uncontaminated or fettered 
by human hypotheses and Authorised by Christ." 


them were made Readers in the churches which they had built 
and in which they had formerly preached. 

The " Reader " is well hedged in with by-laws and his 
duties and limitations are clearly defined: 

He is to read parts of Science and Health aloud at every 

He cannot read from a manuscript or from a transcribed 
copy, but must read from the book itself. 

He is, Mrs. Eddy says, to be " well read and well educated," 
but he shall at no time make any remarks explanatory of the 
passages which he reads. 

Before commencing to read from Mrs. Eddy's book " he 
shall distinctly announce its full title and give the author's 

A Reader must not be a leader in the church. Besides these 
restrictions there is a by-law which provides that Mrs. Eddy 
can, without explanation, remove any reader at any time that 
she sees fit to do so. 2 

In the same number of the Journal in which she dismissed 
her pastors and substituted Readers, Mrs. Eddy stated, in 
an open letter, that her students would find in that issue " the 
completion, as I now think, of the Divine directions sent out 
to the churches." But it was not the completion. By the 
summer of 1902 Septimus J. Hanna, First Reader of the Mother 
Church in Boston, had become, without the liberty to preach 
or to " make remarks," so influential that Mrs. Eddy made a 
new ruling that the Reader's term of office should be limited 

2 For the text of these by-laws see Christian Science Manual (1904), Articles 
IV and XXIII. 


to three years, 3 and, Mr. Hanna's term then being up, he was 
put into the lecture field. The highest dignity, then, that any 
Christian Scientist could hope for was to be chosen as Reader 
for three years at a comfortable salary. 

Why, it has often been asked, did the more influential pastors 
people with a large personal following, like Mrs. Stetson 
consent to resign their pulpits in the first place and afterward 
to be stripped of privilege after privilege? J3ome of them, of 
course, submitted because they believed that Mrs. Eddy pos 
sessed " Divine Wisdom " ; others because they remembered what 
had happened to dissenters before them. Of all those who had 
broken away from Mrs. Eddy's authority, not one had attained 
to anything like her success or material prosperity, while many 
had followed wandering fires and had come to nothing. Chris 
tian Science leaders had staked their fortunes upon the hypothe 
sis that Mrs. Eddy possessed " divine wisdom " ; it was as ex 
pounders of this wisdom that they had obtained their influence 
and built up their churches. To rebel against the authority 
of Mrs. Eddy's wisdom would be to discredit themselves ; to 
discredit Mrs. Eddy's wisdom would have been to destroy their 
whole foundation. To claim an understanding and an inspira 
tion equal to Mrs. Eddy's would have been to cheapen and 
invalidate everything that gave Christian Science an advantage 
over other religions. Had they once denied the Revelation 
and the Revelator upon which their church was founded, the 
whole structure would have fallen in upon them. If Mrs. Eddy's 

Mrs. Eddy stated In regard to this ruling that it was to have immediate 
effect only in the Mother Church, adding : " Doubtless the churches adopting 
this by-law will discriminate its adaptability to their conditions. But if now 
Is not the time the branch churches can wait for the favoured moment to act 
on this subject." 


Intelligence were not divine in one case, who would be able to 
say that it was in another? If they could not accept Mrs. 
Eddy's wisdom when she said " there shall be no pastors," how 
could they persuade other people to accept it when she said 
" there is no matter " ? It was clear, even to those who writhed 
under the restrictions imposed upon them, that they must stand 
or fall with Mrs. Eddy's Wisdom, and that to disobey it was 
to compromise their own careers. Even in the matter of get 
ting on in the world, it was better to be a doorkeeper in 
the Mother Church than to dwell in the tents of the " mental 
healers. " 

Probably it was harder for Mrs. Stetson to retire from 
the pastorship than for any one else. Mrs. Stetson had gone 
to New York when Christian Science was practically unknown 
there, and from poor and small beginnings had built up a rich 
and powerful church. But, when the command came, she 
stepped out of the pulpit she had built. She is to-day probably 
the most influential person, after Mrs. Eddy, in the Christian 
Science body. In 1907 the New York World published several 
interviews with persons who asserted that they believed Mrs. 
Eddy to be controlled by a clique of Christian Scientists who 
were acting for Mrs. Stetson's interests. In June Mrs. Stetson 
wrote Mrs. Eddy a letter which was printed in the Christian 
Science Sentinel and which read in part: 

BOSTOX, Mass., June 9, 1907. 

MY PRECIOUS LEADER: I am glad I know that I am in the hands of 
God, not of men. These reports are only the revival of a lie which I have 
not heard for a long time. It is a renewed attack upon me and my loyal 
students, to turn me from following in the footsteps of Christ by making 
another attempt to dishearten me and make me weary of the struggle to 
demonstrate my trust in God to deliver me from the " accuser of our 


brethren." It is a diabolical attempt to separate me from you, as my 
Leader and Teacher. . . . 

Oh, Dearest, it is such a lie! No one who knows us can believe this. 
It is vicarious atonement. Has the enemy no more argument to use, that 
it has to go back to this? It is exhausting its resources and I hope the 
end is near. You know my love for you, beloved; and my students love 
you as their Leader and Teacher; they follow your teachings and lean on 
the " sustaining infinite." They who refuse to accept you as God's mes 
senger, or ignore the message which you bring, will not get up by some 
other way, but will come short of salvation. . . . 

Dearly beloved, we are not ascending out of sense as fast as we desire, 
but we are trusting in God to put off the false and put on the Christ. 
This lie cannot disturb you nor me. I love you and my students love you, 
and we never touch you with such a thought as is mentioned. 

Lovingly your child, 


But Mrs. Stetson's protestations of loyalty availed her noth 
ing. She was more than ever kept under surveillance by Mrs. 
Eddy's directors, and when at last, in December, 1908, it be 
came known that Mrs. Stetson had formed elaborate plans to 
extend her church system in New York, Mrs. Eddy was acutely 
alarmed. Mrs. Stetson, with her church behind her, had, with 
out consulting Mrs. Eddy it would seem, completed her plans for 
building a magnificent new church on Riverside Drive, New 
York. This church, so it was announced, was to " rival in 
beauty of architecture any other religious structure in Amer 
ica," and it was to be built by Mrs. Stetson, and managed by 
her and an advisory board. Although Mrs. Stetson explained 
that the proposed new church would be organised regularly 
a a branch of the Mother Church in Boston and in accordance 
with the regulations laid down by Mrs. Eddy in the Church 
Manual, it was evident that Mrs. Eddy regarded the plan as 
a scheme of Mrs. Stetson's to rival the great Boston temple and 
to build up a church system of her own. 


Mrs. Eddy lost not a moment in condemning the project. 
Her daily newspaper, the Christian Science Monitor of Boston, 
and her church organ, the Christian Science Sentinel, which 
reach the entire Christian Science membership, announced edi 
torially that Mrs. Eddy was not pleased " with what purport 
to be plans of First Church of Christ Scientist of New York 
City, for she learned of this proposed rival to the Mother 
Church for the first time, from the daily press." " Three lead 
ing facts," continued the editorial, " remain immortal in the 
history of Christian Science, namely : 

1. This Science is already established, and it has the support of all 
true Christian Scientists throughout the world. 

2. Any competition or any rivalry in Christian Science is abnormal, and 
will expose and explode itself. 

3. Any attempt at rivalry or superiority in Christian Science is un 
christian; therefore it is unscientific. The great Teacher said: " As ye would 
that men should do to you, do ye." 

Thoughtful Christian Scientists are profoundly grateful to their beloved 
Leader, Mrs. Eddy, because in her far-seeing wisdom she has ordained 
The First Church of Christ, Scientist, in Boston, Mass., already famous 
for originating reforms, as The Mother Church of Christian Science, and 
all other churches in the denomination as branches of the parent Vine. 
Says the Church Manual: " In its relation to other Christian Science 
churches, in its by-laws and self-government, The Mother Church stands 
alone; it occupies a postion that no other church can fill" (Art. xxiii., 
Sec. 3). It is a fact of general observation that in proportion as branch 
churches adhere loyally to The Mother Church, and obey implicitly its 
by-laws, they bear abundant fruit in healing the sick and sinful. 

Machinery was set in motion at headquarters to restrain and 
repress Mrs. Stetson's activities. In the summer of 1909 a 
new by-law was issued. It provided that teachers and practi 
tioners could no longer maintain offices or rooms in the churches, 
in the reading-rooms, or in rooms connected therewith. It was 


known by those who understood the situation that this ruling 
was aimed directly at Mrs. Stetson. With other healers of her 
congregation she had maintained handsome offices in the First 
Church in New York, where she healed patients, instructed 
classes and individuals, and daily met her friends and co-workers. 
Mrs. Stetson obeyed this by-law. She merely retreated to her 
house, which adjoins her church and is connected with it by a 
covered passage, and conducted her work as before. 

Mrs. Eddy, however, was not to be thus easily defeated. 
She was determined that Mrs. Stetson, whom she considered as 
an open rival, should be removed as such, and that her circle 
should be broken up. During the summer and early autumn 
of 1909 Mrs. Stetson was brought before the Mother Church 
directors in Boston and closely questioned, and many of her 
students were also examined before this court-martial. It was 
decided that Mrs. Stetson must be disciplined, and she was 
officially deprived of her rank as a healer and as a teacher. 
She was forbidden to teach or practise Christian Science until 
she had proved her fitness for such work. She was, therefore, 
placed on a three years' probation, at the conclusion of which, 
if her conduct has been exemplary and if she has met Mrs. 
Eddy's requirements as to loyalty, she may, if Mrs. Eddy sees 
fit, again be permitted to teach and practise. The reasons 
given by the directors for reducing Mrs. Stetson were : erroneous 
teaching of Christian Science; the exercise of undue influence 
over her students, which tended to hinder their moral and spirit 
ual growth; turning the attention of her students to herself 
and away from Divine principle; teaching and practising con 
trary to Science and Health; and finally, that " Mrs. Stetson 


attempts to control^ and to injure persons by mental means, 
this being utterly contrary to the teachings of Christian 

It is interesting to note that, in dealing with the case of Mrs. 
Stetson, Mrs. Eddy once again resorted to the faithful weapon 
which had never failed her in all her executions of the past 
tlie time-worn charge of mental malpractice. 

Her pastors having been satisfactorily dealt with, the next 
danger Mrs. Eddy saw lay in her teachers and " academies." 
Mrs. Eddy had found, of course, that a great many Christian 
Scientists wished to make their living out of their new religion ; 
that possibility, indeed, was one of the most effective advantages 
which Christian Science had to offer over other religions. In 
the early days of the church, while Mrs. Eddy was still in 
structing classes in Christian Science at her ." college," teach 
ing was a much more remunerative business than healing. Mrs. 
Eddy charged each student $300 for a primary course of seven 
lessons, and the various Christian Science " institutes " and 
" academies " about the country charged from $100 to $200 
per student. So long as Mrs. Eddy was herself teaching and 
never took patients, she could not well forbid other teachers 
to do likewise. But after she retired to Concord, she took 
the teachers in hand. Mrs. Eddy knew that Christian Science 
was propagated and that converts were made, not through doc 
trine, but through cures. She had found that out in the be 
ginning, when Richard Kennedy's cures brought her her first 
success. She knew, too, that teaching Christian Science was a 
much easier profession than healing by it, and that the teacher 
risked no encounter with the law. Since teaching was both 


easier and more remunerative it would be natural for teachers 
to multiply at the sacrifice of the healers, and Mrs. Eddy dis 
couraged this by cutting down the teacher's fee, and limiting 
the number of pupils which one teacher might instruct in a year. 
By 1904 Mrs. Eddy had got the teacher's fee down to fifty 
dollars per student, and a teacher was not permitted to teach 
more than thirty students a year. From 1903 to 1906 all 
teaching was suspended under the by-law " Healing better than 

In the fall of 1895 Mrs. Eddy issued her instructions to the 
churches in the form of a volume entitled the Church Manual 
of the First Church of Christ, Scientist, in Boston, Mass. The 
by-laws herein contained, she says, " were impelled by a power 
not one's own, were written at different dates, as occasion re 
quired." This book is among Mrs. Eddy's copyrighted works, 
and has now been through more than forty editions. Some 
of the by-laws in the earlier editions are perplexing. 

We find that " Careless comparison or irreverent reference 
to Christ Jesus, is abnormal in a Christian Scientist and pro 
hibited." It is probable that no Christian church had ever 
before found it necessary to make such a prohibition. 

The Manual, however, is chiefly interesting as an exposition 
of Mrs. Eddy's method of church government and as an in 
ventory of her personal prerogatives. Never was a title more 
misleadingly modest than Mrs. Eddy's title of " Pastor Emer 
itus " of the Mother Church. 

Next to Mrs. Eddy in authority is the Board of Directors, 
who were chosen by Mrs. Eddy and who are subject to her in 

* Church Manual (llth ed.), Article XXXII. 


all their official acts. Any one of these directors can at any 
time be dismissed upon Mrs. Eddy's request, and the vacancy 
can be filled only by a candidate whom she has approved. All 
the church business is transacted by these directors, no other 
members of the church may be present at the business meetings, 
and at any time Mrs. Eddy's request will remove them. The 
members of this board are pledged to secrecy ; they " shall 
neither report the discussions of this Board, nor those with 
Mrs. Eddy." 5 

These directors are Mrs. Eddy's executive self, created by 
her and committed to silence. Their chief duties are to elect 
to office whomsoever Mrs. Eddy appoints, and to hold their 

The President of the church is annually elected by the 
directors, the election being subject to Mrs. Eddy's approval. 

The First and Second Readers are elected every third year 
by the directors, subject to Mrs. Eddy's approval, but she can 
remove a Reader either from the Mother Church or from any 
of the branch churches whenever she sees fit and without ex 
planation. 7 

The Clerk and Treasurer of the church are elected once a 
year by the directors, subject to Mrs. Eddy's approval. 8 

Executive Members: Prior to 1903 these were known as 
First Members. They shall not be less than fifty in number, 
nor more than one hundred. They must have certain qualifica 
tions (such as residing within five hundred miles of Boston), and 
they must hold a meeting once a year and special meetings at 

6 Church Manual (43d ed.), Article I, Sec. 5. 

"Ibid. (43d ed.), Article I, Sec. 2. 

1 1bid. (43d ed.), Article I, Sec. 4. Ibid, (llth ed.), Article XXIII, Sec. 2. 

s IUd. (43d ed.), Article I, Sec. 3. 


Mrs. Eddy's call. They have no powers and MO duties 9 and 
they are not allowed to be present at the business meetings 
of the church. The manner of their election is unusual. The 
by-laws state that a member can be made an Executive Member 
only after a letter is received by the directors from Mrs. Eddy 
requesting them to make said persons Executive Members ; and 
then, " they shall be elected by the unanimous vote of the Board 
of Directors." 10 

This " executive " board is a form only, and membership on 
it is merely a mark of Mrs. Eddy's personal favour. To her 
followers, however, this is sufficient reason for its existence, and 
they are proud to be called members of it. 

Although Mrs. Eddy has made a by-law which says that the 
branch churches shall have " local self-government," she gives 
special instructions in the Manual as to what the branch churches 
may or may not do. The Church Manual is closely followed 
by all the branch churches, and as practically all the members 
of the branch churches are also members of the Mother Church, 
it is the duty of each to obey all the requirements of the Manual. 

A branch church can only be organised by a member of the 
Mother Church. 11 

A branch church may not use the article " the " in its title. 
Only the Mother Church may employ it. 12 

No conference of branch churches shall be held except the 
annual conference at the Mother Church. 13 

9 Formerly the Executive Members were permitted to fix the salaries of the 
Readers, but in the last edition of the Manual this privilege has been with 

10 Church Manual (43d ed.), Article VI. 

11 Ibid. (1904), Article XXVIII. 
"Ibid. (1904), Article XXVIII. 
13 Ibid. (1904), Article XXVIII. 


A branch church may not have other church branches, nor 
shall it be organised with Executive Members. 1 * 

Communion time for the branch churches is fixed by the 
Manual. 15 

In laying its corner-stone, a branch church must not permit 
a " large gathering of people." 16 

The services of the branch churches are definitely prescribed; 
they are to consist of music, Mrs. Eddy's prayer, and -oral 
readings from Science and Health and the Bible. 

Mrs. Eddy may appoint or remove without explanation 
the Readers of the branch churches at any time. 17 

The branch churches may never have comments or remarks 
made by their Readers, either upon passages from Science and 
Health or from the Bible. 18 

The branch churches may have lectures only by lecturers 
whom Mrs. Eddy has appointed in the usual way through the 
" vote " of her Board of Directors. 19 And the lecture must 
have passed censorship. 20 

After listening to such a lecture, the members of the branch 
churches are not permitted to give a reception or to meet for 
social intercourse. Mrs. Eddy tells them to " depart in quiet 
thought." 21 It seems probable that this by-law was devised 
for the spiritual good of the lecturer. If feted or made much 
of after his discourse he might easily become puffed up with 
pride of place. 

1 Church Manual (1904), Article XXVIII. 

5 Ibid. (lf)04). Article XXVIII. 

6 Ibid. (1004), Article XXVIII. 

1 Ibid, (llth ed.), Article XXIII. 

8 Ibid. (43d ed.), Article IV. 

9 Ibid. (43d ed.), Article XXXIV. 

20 Ibid. (43d ed.), Article XXXIV. 

21 Ibid. (43d ed.), Article XXXIV. 


Services in the branch churches, as in the Mother Church, 
are limited to the Sunday morning and evening readings from 
the Bible and Science and Health, the Wednesday. evening ex 
perience meetings, and to the communion service. (In the 
Mother Church this occurs but once a year, in the branch 
churches twice.) There is no baptismal service, 22 no marriage 
or burial service, and weddings and funerals are never con 
ducted in any of the Christian Science churches. 

Included in the Mother Church organisation are the Publi 
cation Committee, the Christian Science Publishing Society, the 
Board of Lectureship, the Board of Missionaries, and the 
Board of Education, all under Mrs. Eddy's personal control. 

The manager of the Publication Committee, at present Mr. 
Alfred Farlow, is " elected " annually by the Board of Direct 
ors under Mrs. Eddy's instructions. His salary is to be not 
less than $5,000 a year. This Publication Committee is a press 
bureau, consisting of a manager with headquarters in Boston 
and of various branch committees throughout the field. It is the 
duty of a member of this committee, wherever he resides, to reply 
promptly through the press to any criticism of Christian Sci 
ence or of Mrs. Eddy which may be made in his part of the 
country, and to insert in the newspapers of his territory as 
much matter favourable to Christian Science as they will print. 
In replying to criticism this bureau will, if necessary, pay the 
regular advertising rate for the publication of their statements. 
The members of this committee, after having written and pub 
lished their articles in defence of Christian Science, are also 

2i When the Boston church was holding its services in Chickering Hall, Mrs. 
Eddy baptised a class of children. No water was used in the ceremony. This 
was the only baptismal service ever held in a Christian Science church. 


responsible, says the Manual, " for having the papers contain 
ing these articles circulated in large quantities." This press 
agency has been extremely effective in pushing the interests of 
Christian Science, in keeping it before the public, and in building 
up a desirable legendry around Mrs. Eddy. 

The Christian Science Publishing Society is conducted for 
the purpose of publishing and marketing Mrs. Eddy's works 
and the three Christian Science periodicals, the Christian Science 
Journal, the Christian Science Sentinel, and Der Christian Sci 
ence Herald. It is managed and controlled by a Board of 
Trustees appointed by Mrs. Eddy, and the net profits of the 
business are turned over semi-annually to the treasurer of the 
Mother Church. The manager and editors are appointed for 
one year only, and must be elected or reflected by a vote of 
the directors and " the consent of the Pastor Emeritus, given 
in her own handAvriting." The Manual also states that a person 
who is not accepted by Mrs. Eddy as suitable shall in no manner 
be connected with publishing her books or editing her peri 

Until 1898 any Christian Scientist could give public talks 
or lectures upon the doctrines of his faith, but in January of 
that year Mrs. Eddy withdrew this privilege. She appointed 
a Board of Lectureship, carefully selecting each member and 
assigning each to a certain district. In this work she placed 
several of her most influential men, among whom was Septimus 
J. Hanna. As itinerant lecturers these men could not very 
well build up a dangerously strong personal following, and they 
could very ably set forth the Christian Science doctrines. These 
lecturers are elected annually, subject to Mrs. Eddy's approval. 


Their representative lectures must be censored by the clerk of 
the Mother Church. The Manual stipulates that these lectures 
must " bear testimony to the facts pertaining to the life of 
the Pastor Emeritus." 

Seven missionaries are elected annually by the Board of 
Directors, and their duties are to fill vacancies in pulpits and 
to " correctly propagate " Christian Science wherever it is most 

The Board of Education consists of three members, the 
President, Vice-President, and a teacher. Mrs. Eddy is the 
permanent President unless, says the Manual, she sees fit to 
" resign over her own signature." The Vice-President and 
teacher are elected from time to time, " subject to the approval 
of the Pastor Emeritus." 

It is not easy to become a member of the Mother Church. 
The applicant for admission must read nothing upon meta 
physics or religion except Mrs. Eddy's books and the Bible, 
and his application must be countersigned by one of Mrs. Eddy's 
loyal students, who is made responsible for the candidate's 
sincerity. There are many things for which the new member 
may be expelled after he is once admitted into the church. 
He may not haunt the roads upon which Mrs. Eddy drives. He 
may not discuss, lecture upon, or debate upon Christian Science 
in public without permission from one of her representatives. 
He must not be a " leader " in the church and must never be 
called one. He may read only the Bible and Mrs. Eddy's 
books for religious instruction. He shall not " vilify " the 
Pastor Emeritus. He must go to Mrs. Eddy's home and 
serve her in person for one year if she requires it of him. He 


may not permit his children to believe in Santa Claus Mrs. 
Eddy abolished Santa Claus by proclamation in 1904. He may 
not read or quote from Mrs. Eddy's books without first naming 
the author. Mrs. Eddy says, in explanation of this by-law: 
" To pour into the ears of listeners the sacred revelations of 
Christian Science indiscriminately, or without characterising 
their origin and thus distinguishing them from the writings of 
authors who think at random on this subject, is to lose some 
weight in the scale of right thinking." 23 

A Christian Scientist " shall neither buy, sell nor circulate 
Christian Science literature which is not correct in its state 
ment," etc., Mrs. Eddy, of course, determining whether or not 
the statement is correct. He " shall not patronise a publishing 
house or bookstore that has for sale obnoxious books." 

A Christian Scientist may not belong to any club or society, 
which excludes either sex, Free Masons excepted, outside the 
Mother Church. Mrs. Eddy says that church organisations 
are ample for him. 24 

It is indicative of Mrs. Eddy's influence over her followers 
that when this by-law was issued, less than twenty inquiries 
(so her secretary announced) were received at Pleasant View. 
Men resigned from their political, business, and social clubs, 
women from their literary and patriotic organisations, without 
a murmur and without a question. 

No hymns may be sung in the Mother Church unless they 
have been approved by Mrs. Eddy, and Mrs. Eddy's hymns 
must be sung at stated intervals. " If a solo singer in the 

28 Church Manual (llth ed.), Article XV. 
2t lbid. (43d ed.), Article XXVI. 


Mother Church shall either neglect or refuse to sing alone a 
hymn written by our Leader and Pastor Emeritus, as often 
as once each month, and oftener if the Directors so direct, a 
meeting shall be called and the salary of this singer shall be 

Above all these lesser by-laws Mrs. Eddy holds one in which 
her supreme authority rests. A mesmerist or " mental mal- 
practitioner " is to be excommunicated, and " if the author of 
Science and Health shall bear witness to the offence of mental 
malpractice, it shall be considered sufficient evidence thereof." 
The accused can make no defence, and has no appeal. In the 
matter of hypnotism, Mrs. Eddy's mere word is enough. She 
has, she says, an unerring instinct by which she can detect 
hypnotism in any creature : 

I possess a spiritual sense of what the malicious mental practitioner 
is mentally arguing which cannot be deceived; I can discern in the human 
mind thoughts, motives, and purposes; and neither mental arguments nor 
psychic power can affect this spiritual insight. 26 

Of late years Mrs. Eddy has shown a disposition to so modify 
the practice of Christian Science healing as not to conflict with 
the laws. Christian Scientists formerly treated all diseases, 
without regard to legal restrictions. But experience has shown 
Mrs. Eddy that an evasion of the law is regarded by the public 
as a defiance of the law, and forms a serious obstacle to the 
spread of Christian Science. It also has involved Christian 
Scientists constantly in lawsuits. 

In March, 1901, Mrs. Eddy announced in the Journal that 

* Church Manual (43d ed.). Article XXII. Sec. 4. 

28 Christian Science History, by Mary B. G. Eddy (1st ed.), p. 16. 


thereafter Christian Scientists must submit to vaccination, and 
report cases of contagion as required by law. 

A year later the teaching and practice of obstetrics was 
dropped by order of Mrs. Eddy, who gave as the reason, 
" Obstetrics is not Science, and will not be taught." This was 
after obstetrics had been taught and practised as " Science " 
for thirty-two years. 

An important change of practice was instituted when, in 
December, 1902, the Journal announced : " Mrs. Eddy advises, 
until the public thought becomes better acquainted with Chris 
tian Science, that Christian Scientists decline to doctor infec 
tious or contagious diseases." On the same subject Mrs. Eddy 
wrote : " Christian Scientists should be influenced by their own 
judgment in the taking of a case of malignant disease, they 
should consider well their ability to cope with the case and 
not overlook the fact that there are those lying in wait to catch 
them in their sayings ; neither should they forget that in their 
practice, whether successful or not, they are not especially pro 
tected by law." 

Christian Scientists are now permitted to consult with medical 
practitioners in certain cases. A by-law provides that, " if a 
member of this church has a patient that he does not heal ; and 
whose case he cannot lawfully diagnose, he may consult with 
an M.D. on the anatomy involved. And it shall be the privilege 
of a Christian Scientist to confer with an M.D. on ontology, 
or the Science of Being." 

Christian Scientists are no longer allowed to use the titles, 
" Reverend," or " Doctor," unless they have received these 
titles under the laws of the state. 


A practitioner is not permitted to sue a patient to recover 
payment for his services, and he is required to " reasonably 
reduce " his fee in chronic cases, and in cases where he has not 
effected a cure. 

The result of Mrs. Eddy's planning and training and pruning 
is that she has built up the largest and most powerful organisa 
tion ever founded by any woman in America. Probably no 
other woman so handicapped so limited in intellect, so un 
certain in conduct, so tortured by hatred and hampered by petty 
animosities has ever risen from a state of helplessness and 
dependence to a position of such power and authority. All 
that Christian Science comprises to-day the Mother Church, 
branch churches, healers, teachers. Readers, boards, committees, 
societies are as completely under Mrs. Eddy's control as if 
she were their temporal as well as their spiritual ruler. The 
growth of her power has been extensive as well as inten 

In June, 1907, the membership of the Mother Church, accord 
ing to the Secretary's report, was 43,876. The membership 
of the branch churches amounted to 42,846. As members 
of the branch churches are almost invariably members of the 
Mother Church as well, there cannot be more than 60,000 Chris 
tian Scientists in the world to-day, and the number is probably 
nearer 50,000. 

In June, 1907, there were in all 710 branch churches. Fifty- 
eight of these are in foreign countries : twenty-five in the Do 
minion of Canada, fourteen in Great Britain, two in Ireland, 
four in Australia, one in South Africa, eight in Mexico, two 
in Germany, one in Holland, and one in France. There are 


also 295 Christian Science societies, not yet incorporated Into 
churches, thirty of which are in foreign countries. 27 

In reading these figures one must bear in mind the fact 
that thirty years ago the only Christian Science church in the 
world was struggling to pay its rent in Boston. 

An effective element in the growth of the church is the fact 
that a considerable proportion of Christian Scientists make their 
living by their religion, and their worldly fortunes as well as 
their spiritual comfort are in their church; they must prosper 
or decline with Christian Science, and they prosecute the cause 
of their church with all their energies and with entire singleness 
of purpose. The perfect system under which the church is 
organised provides for the constant advertising, by the Publi 
cation Committee, of the religion, of the church, and of Mrs. 
Eddy; and this has been perhaps the greatest factor in the 
growth of the church. There is an impression to-day that the 
Christian Science church numbers its members by hundreds of 
thousands ; and this impression was created and is continued 
by the exaggerated statements of Mrs. Eddy herself, and of 
her leading church officers, and by the insistent work of the 
Publication Committees. 

Christian Science itself presents, superficially, an old and 
well-worn truth, besides much that is fallacious and absurd; 
and the secret of its popularity lies in the fact, not that it has 
played tricks with metaphysical platitudes, but that it has 
adapted them to the buoyant spirit of the times. 


in AustraliarT"i l n"cMna?To5' in EJngiandTViiT Ireland, 9 in Scotland, 7 in 
France 15 in Germany, 4 in Holland, 1 in India. 1 in Italy, 1 in the Philippine 
Islands, 1 in Russia, 1 in South America, 7 in Switzerland. 


What Mrs. Eddy has accomplished has been due solely to 
her own compelling personality. She has never been a dreamer 
of dreams or a seer of visions, and she has not the mind for 
deep and searching investigation into any problem. Her genius 
has been of the eminently practical kind, which can meet and 
overcome unfavourable conditions by sheer force of energy, and 
in Mrs. Eddy's case this potency has been accompanied by a 
remarkable shrewdness, which has had its part in determining 
her career. Her problem has been, not to work out the theory 
of mental healing, but to popularise it, and having popularised 
it, to maintain a personal monopoly of its principle; and the 
history of Christian Science shows how near she has come to 
doing this. 

Not until Mrs. Eddy met Quimby had she ever known any 
serious purpose, and although she was superbly equipped by 
nature to blaze the way for new and bizarre ideas, and was 
ah?ays the first to take up with such irregular and passing 
notions as mesmerism, clairvoyance, writing-mediumship, etc., 
she had never produced an original idea on her own account. 
With Quimby came her opportunity, and once given an 
actual purpose, Mrs. Eddy, with her unequalled zeal for 
not letting go of a thing, was at once upon the highroad to 

For herself, she has won what has always seemed to her most 
valuable, and what has been from the beginning a crying 
necessity of her nature: personal ease, an exalted position, and 
the right to exact homage from the multitude. 

For Quimby, she has, and mainly by reason of her ingratitude 
toward her old benefactor, secured public attention to his theory 


of mental healing. Through Dr. Warren F. Evans and Mr. 
and Mrs. Julius A. Dresser the Quimby idea, 28 previous to 
the Christian Science interpretation of it, had been slowly and 
laboriously coming into a limited practice ; but with the entrance 
of Mrs. Eddy into the field, with her extravagant claims of 
miraculous revelation and her violent methods of procedure, the 
whole movement received a tremendous impetus ; and uncon 
sciously and very much against her will, she has been the most 
effective agent in promoting Quimbyism as well as Eddyism. 
For, although it has been one of Mrs. Eddy's chief cares to 
stem the progress of the rival school, and to raise an impassable 
barrier between her own cult and that of all other mental healers, 
it has not disturbed the fact that for practical purposes, 
Eddyism is simply Quimbyism, overlaid with superstition and 
ignorance ; and the future of Mrs. Eddy's school depends 
largely upon the willingness of her followers to continue their 
self-deception on this point, which is the chief requirement of 
her religion. 

Whatever there is of value to the world in Mrs. Eddy's 
system, lies in the practicality of its healing methods, and the 
foregoing chapters have shown that Mrs. Eddy realises this, 

2 The reader who is interested in Quimby's teaching and healing is referred 
to The True History of Mental Science, by Julius A. Dresser, published by 
George H. Ellis, 272 Congress Street, Boston. 

Dr Warren F. Evans, in his book, Mental Medicine, published three years 
before the first edition of Science and Health, said : Disease being in its root 
a wrong belief, change that belief and we cure the disease. By faith we are 
thus made whole. There is a law here which the world will sometime under 
stand and use in the cure of the diseases that afflict mankind. The late Dr. 
Quimby. of Portland, one of the most successful healers of this or any age, 
embraced this view of the nature of disease, and by a long succession of the 
most remarkable cures, effected by psychopathic remedies, at the same time 
proved the truth of the theory and the efficiency of that mode of treatment. 
Had he lived in a remote age or country, the wonderful facts which occurred in 
his practice would now have been deemed either mythical or miraculous, 
seemed to reproduce the wonders of Gospel history. But all this was only 
an exhibition of the force of suggestion, or the action of the law of faith, 
over a patient in the impressible condition." 


for she has not only constantly stimulated the healing depart 
ment of her church, but, year by year, she has restrained and 
modified its practice, until to-day Christian Science is scarcely 
more radical in its methods than are the regular schools of 
her best hated enemy, materia medica. Physicians have been 
forced to take into account, more and more, in their dealings 
with the sick, the condition of the patient's mind, and to use 
it as a co-operative force with their medical .treatment ; and 
in America this is largely owing to the stir made by Mrs. Eddy's 
healers in the sick world. In Europe this result has been ob 
tained, not through mystery and revelation and quackery, but 
in the course of regular scientific study and experiment, and 
in the schools of the foremost European neurologists, psychical 
treatment for certain disorders has been for many years a 
recognised and established method. 

There is now in America a benevolent attempt on the part 
of certain churches to introduce a kind of reformed Christian 
Science, and to establish " clinics " where sick cases may be 
diagnosed by regular school physicians, while the pastors in 
charge of the clinics administer the psychical treatment in an 
effort to aid in the cure. They aim, at these clinics, to conduct 
the treatment on as scientific a basis as is possible, and their 
failures as well as their successful cures are honestly recorded. 
These church movements are an indirect outcome of Mrs. Eddy's 
activities. Her own congregations are built up at the expense 
of those of the orthodox churches, and it is largely as a means 
of self-preservation, as well as owing to a laudable desire to 
increase the benefits of mental healing, that these churches are 
taking up the practical side of Christian Science, and are 


trying to make it " regular " and to conform to what is known 
of psychological causes and effects. 

These various efforts to investigate the source and workings 
of an elusive healing principle are not without their value, 
even if the actual practice is more often based upon enthusiasm 
than upon any exact knowledge. They serve to emphasise 
both the benefits of psychical treatment and the harm which 
may rise from its ignorant or exclusive application in radical 
cases. But, from the nature of the subject, it is certain that 
the permanent value of suggestive therapeutics will ultimately 
be determined, not by the inexperienced or the overzealous in 
any walk of life, but through the slow and patient experiments 
of medical science; and this, too, will be the final test of the 
value of Mrs. Eddy's life-work. 


IN Mrs. Eddy's autobiography, Retrospection and Intro 
spection, she gives the following story of her ancestry : 

My ancestors, according to the flesh, were from both Scotland and Eng 
land, my great-grandfather on my father's side being John McNeil of 
Edinburgh. His wife, my great-grandmother, was Marion Moor, and her 
family is said to have been in some way related to Hannah More, the 
pious and popular authoress of a century ago. John and Marion Moor 
McNeil had a daughter who perpetuated her mother's name. This second 
Marion McNeil was married to an Englishman named Joseph Baker, and so 
became my paternal grandmother. Joseph Baker and his wife, Marion 
McNeil, came to America seeking freedom to worship God, though they 
could scarcely have crossed the Atlantic more than a score of years prior 
to the Revolutionary period. A relative of my grandfather Baker was Gen 
eral Henry Knox, of Revolutionary fame. In the line of my grandmother 
Baker's family was the late Sir John McNeil, a Scotch knight who was 
prominent in British politics and at one time held the position of ambas 
sador to Persia. 

The statements made by Mrs. Eddy concerning her connection 
with the McNeil family of Scotland having been published in 
a way that brought them to the attention of that family in 
Scotland, drew a denial from the granddaughter of the real 
Sir John MacNeill. In the Ladies' Home Journal for Novem 
ber, 1903, there appeared an article entitled " Mrs. Eddy as 
She Really Is," introduced by an editorial note which stated: 
" The writing of this article and the making of illustrations 
on the opposite page were done with the special permission of 
Mrs. Eddy, and both pages having been seen by her in proof, 
received her full approval." In the course of this article, it is 



said: "Among Mrs. Eddy's ancestors was Sir John McNeill, 
a Scotch knight prominent in British politics, and ambassador to 
Persia. Her great-grandfather was the Right Honourable Sir 
John McNeill of Edinburgh, Scotland. Mrs. Eddy is the only 
survivor of her father's family, which bore the coat-of-arms 
of the ancient McNeills. The motto is Vincere aut mori 
(conquer or die). Surrounding the shield and enclosed in a 
heavy wreath is the motto of the Order of the Bath, tria juncta 
in uno (three joined in one)." Soon after this was published 
it was challenged by a granddaughter of Sir John MacNeill, 
Mrs. Florence Macalister of Aberdeen, Scotland, who wrote 
to Mrs. Eddy correcting her statement, and caused a correction 
to be published in London Truth. She says : 

I am the only married grandchild of the late Right Honourable Sir 
John MacNeill, G.C.B., of Edinburgh, " who was prominent in British 
politics and Ambassador to Persia," and Mrs. Eddy is certainly not my 

My mother, Margaret Ferooza MacNeill, was the only child of his who 
reached maturity, though he was three times married; she married my 
father, Duncan Stewart, R.N., now captain, retired, and died in 1871. Of 
her six children, one died unmarried, three years ago; five survive, of whom 
four are unmarried. 

I am the wife of Commander N. G. Macalister, R.N., who is at present 
inspecting officer of coast guard for Aberdeen division. 

I wrote to the editor of the Ladies' Home Journal who published Mrs. 
Eddy's statement, asking him to publish a correction, and I sent a copy 
of the letter to Mrs. Eddy herself. She did not reply at all, and he excused 
himself from publishing it on the ground that the correction could not 
appear for five months. 

In March, 1904, after the publication of Mrs. Macalister's 
correction had been copied widely in American papers, Mrs. 
Eddy caused a paragraph to be inserted in the Christian Science 
Sentinel, saying that writers of her genealogy had been accus- 


tomed to connect her with the Sir John MacNeill family, and 
it was supposed she had a right to use the MacNeill coat-of- 
arms. She notified genealogical writers not to do so thereafter. 
Mrs. Eddy, however, continues to use the MacNeill coat-of- 
arms, which is engraved upon her stationery and impressed 
upon her seal. She defended her continued use of the coat-of- 
arms in a widely-published statement, issued in January, 1907, 
as follows: 

The facts regarding the McNeill coat-of-arms are as follows: Fannie 
McNeill, President Pierce's niece, afterward Mrs. Judge Potter, presented 
to me my coat-of-arms, saying that it was taken in connection with her 
own family coat-of-arms. I never doubted the veracity of the gift. 

Mrs. Macalister, in a recent letter, writes : " I have been 
amused to find that Mrs. Eddy still uses my grandfather's coat- 
of-arms on her notepaper, including the motto of the Bath, 
which even his son, had he left one, would have had no right 
to use, as the G.C.B. was for life only." 


ANDREW JACKSON DAVIS was born August 11, 1826, in Bloom 
ing Grove, Orange County, N. Y. He grew up in poverty and 
ignorance, and at seventeen he had received about five months' 
schooling and had learned to read, write, and do simple sums 
in arithmetic. He was of average intelligence and had no tastes 
or ambitions out of the ordinary. In the year 1843, he first 
heard of animal magnetism, and he was himself magnetised 
repeatedly by William Levingston, a tailor in Poughkeepsie, 
where Davis then lived. Davis showed surprising clairvoyant 
powers while in the magnetic state, and soon he, with Levingston 
as magnetiser, was using his clairvoyant ability to diagnose cases 
of sickness and to prescribe remedies. By degrees what he called 
his " scientific " insight was developed, and soon, his biographer 
says, " there was no science the general principles and much 
of minutiae of which he did not seem to comprehend while in 
his abnormal state." 

On March 7, 1844, Davis fell into a magnetic or " superior " 
condition without the assistance of the magnetic process, and 
for two days he was " insensible to external things." He wan 
dered in the Catskill Mountains, and while there he received, 
" interiorly," information of his future mission. 

The following year he went to New York and commenced 
to lecture, while in the clairvoyant state, Dr. S. S. Lyon of 



Bridgeport, Conn., acting as his magnetiser. The last of these 
lectures was delivered on January 25, 1847. The lectures were 
published in a book entitled, The Principles of Nature, Her 
Divine Revelations, and a Voice to Mankind. Davis continued 
to lecture, and to write voluminously. His written works con 
sist of thirty-six volumes, nearly all of which, it is claimed, 
were produced while the author was in a state of clairvoyance. 
The chief of these are his first books, the Divine Revelations 
(1847), and The Great Harmonia (1850). In these Davis 
gives a history of the universe, the formation of the earth, the 
origin of man, and the gradual development of present civilisa 
tion. In his first volume he gives a " Key " to the principles 
of nature, and relates the " true " version of sacred history, cor 
recting and explaining the Old and New Testaments as he 
goes along. He gives his interior impressions of the real 
scheme of the material universe and of the spiritual world, and 
the relations between the two. 

Davis called this " revealed " system " The Harmonial Philos 
ophy," and developed it at length in the six volumes of The 
Great Harmonia. In many points Davis's philosophy of life 
and his theory of disease resemble Quimby's, and much of the 
terminology is the same. (When Davis began to lecture and 
to write, Quimby had for several years been practising and 
teaching but, so far as known, Davis had never met Quimby.) 
For example, Davis states : " There is but one Principle, one 
united attribute of Goodness and Truth." This he calls the 
" unchangeable, eternal Positive Mind," which " fills all nega 
tive substances. Worlds, their forces, their physical existences, 
with their life and forces, are all negative to this Positive Mind. 


This is the great Positive Power." He compares his system 
to a wheel, the centre of which " is a Focus for the universal 
diffusion of knowledge, Truth, and the one unchangeable Prin 
ciple." " Truth," he states, " is positive Principle ; error is a 
negative principle, and as Truth is positive and eternal, it must 
subdue error, which is only temporal and artificial." 

This Positive Mind he also calls Divine Intelligence, the First 
Cause, etc. He says : " Power, Wisdom, Goodness, Justice, 
Mercy, Truth, are the gradual developments of an eternal and 
internal Principle, constituting the Divine, original Essence ! " 

Disease, in the Davis philosophy, is not a part of the " Great 
Harmonia." His conclusions as to disease are: 

" That disease is discord; and that this disease originates 
in a want of equilibrium in the circulation of the spiritual 
Principle throughout the organism. 

" That the spiritual Principle is an organisation of refined 
and sublimated materials; consequently, being material, it is 
susceptible to material influences. 

" That those physical developments which are called diseases, 
are simply evidences of constitutional or spiritual disturbances ; 
and consequently, that there is but one ' disease,' having in 
numerable symptoms." 

The mission of the physician, Davis says, is not to the body, 
" for the body is but a subordinate portion of the individual." 
" Disease is an effect, not a cause." " Disease is an evil to 
be prevented; it is an effect to be overcome. Physicians are 
designed to minister to the spiritual principle." " Man is a 
Unit," he says again. " It is not true that he has a body 
to be cured of disease separate from his mind." 


To dispel disease and to promote individual health and happi 
ness, Davis says, the Divine Principle working through Nature 
has provided certain remedial agents. These agents are 
" Dress, Food, Water, Air, Light, Electricity, and Magnetism." 
" Vital magnetism and electricity," he writes, " are the divine 
elements of spiritual nourishment, and are the mediums through 
which the spirit acts upon the body ; and to restore harmony 
or health, the prime-moving principle in the body must be 
addressed by and through identical mediums or elements." 

He also says : " By self-magnetisation, or by the magnetic 
or spiritual action of the influence of one individual upon 
another . . . the human soul can rise superior to every species 
of discord, and thus subdue and expel disease." 

Davis believed that Christ employed animal magnetism in 
making cures. " It is clear, at least to the interiorly-en 
lightened mind, that Christ cast out diseases, Satans, or devils, 
by the exercise of that spiritual power, which, in our century, 
has unfortunately been termed ' Animal Magnetism.' ' 

In applying his principle practically to the care of the sick, 
he recommends a cheerful, hopeful spirit on the part of the 
patient, strict attention to diet and temperature, and regular, 
simple habits. Occasionally, as for rheumatism, he prescribes 
a kind of beverage and gives instructions how to prepare it. 
" The patient is requested to remember," he writes, " that I 
recommend a reconciliation with Nature, and not medicines, to 
accomplish his cure." 

Like Mrs. Eddy, Davis had not much respect for learning. 
" Book-learning," he writes, " is mainly ephemeral and useless ; 
but Wisdom which unfolds from out the depths of intuition, is 


everlasting and more valuable than seas of diamonds." He 
taught that true wisdom comes only through spiritual or in 
terior vision, and that the evidence of the senses is not always 

Some time after the publication of his first books, Davis 
joined the Spiritualistic movement and became well known as 
a leader in that sect, travelling and lecturing extensively. 


THERE is no fundamental similarity between Christian Science 
and Shakerism, but there are significant resemblances. Ann 
Lee's main contribution to religious theories or pretensions 
was the idea that God is both masculine and feminine. She, 
herself, claimed to be the " female principle of God," and the 
Shakers believed and taught that she was the " female Christ." 
Mrs. Eddy also teaches the femininity of God, and Christian 
Scientists have claimed that she is the " feminine principle 
of Deity." The Shakers asserted for Ann Lee that she was 
greater than Christ. Mrs. Eddy has said that her revelation 
of Christian Science was " higher, clearer, and more perma 
nent," l than that given eighteen centuries ago. The Shakers 
prayed always to " Our Father and Mother which are in 
Heaven," while Mrs. Eddy has " spiritually interpreted " the 
Lord's Prayer, making it read : " Our Father-Mother God." 
The Shakers proclaimed Ann Lee to be the woman of the 
Apocalypse, calling her the " God-anointed Woman," and the 
" Holy Comforter." In Science and Health, Mrs. Eddy has 
called the attention of her followers to the significance of the 
chapter in Revelation on the woman of the Apocalypse ind 
its " relation to the present age," suggesting that the woman 
represents the founder of Christian Science. Christian Science, 
Mrs. Eddy teaches, is the " Holy Comforter." In the original 

1 A statement in a personal letter. 



Mother Church in Boston is a stained-glass window, showing 
the woman of the Apocalypse clothed in the sun and crowned 
with twelve stars. It is titled " The Woman God Crowned," 
and above it is a representation of the book Science and Health. 
Shakers always called Ann Lee " Mother " ; Christian Scientists 
formerly thus addressed Mrs. Eddy. Mother Ann, like Mother 
Eddy, declared that she had the gift of healing. She also 
believed that she took upon herself the sins and sufferings of 
others ; in the early days, Mrs. Eddy had the same idea. The 
Shakers believed that Mother Ann had spiritual illumination 
the mind that saw things as they were; that the rest of the 
world was deceived ; that the evidence of the senses, used against 
her, might mislead ; this is a prevailing idea in regard to 
Mrs. Eddy among Christian Scientists. Ann Lee governed 
largely through fear; her followers believed that, with her 
mental powers, she could inflict torment upon them in this 
world. In the early Christian Science days, if not now, " mali 
cious animal magnetism " as Mrs. Eddy named this power 
of mentally working evil on others was an orthodox doctrine. 
The Shakers called their establishment " The Church of 
Christ " ; Mrs. Eddy used the same name, adding the word 
" Scientist." They called the original foundation the " Mother 
Church " ; Mrs. Eddy so designated her first Boston building. 
Ann Lee forbade audible prayer, teaching that it " exposed 
the desires " ; Mrs. Eddy opposes audible prayer, which may 
" utter desires which are not real." Finally, Ann Lee en 
joined celibacy. Mrs. 'Eddy teaches that celibacy is a more 
spiritual state than marriage ; she permits the marriage relation 
merely as " expedient," " suffer it to be so now."